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"Those who are willing to give up freedom for a little safety deserve neither freedom nor safety." -Benjamin Franklin
"To announce that there must be no criticism of the president, or that we are to stand by the president right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and servile, but is morally treasonable to the American public." Theodore Roosevelt

digg links, for the techie:
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| NY Court Says Anti-Bush Protesters Can't Use Park |
| 08.25.04 (4:57 pm) [edit] |
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By Grant McCool
NEW YORK (Reuters) - A judge on Wednesday denied anti-Bush protesters permission to rally in Central Park on the eve of the Republican National Convention, leaving open the question of where possibly hundreds of thousands of demonstrators will go after a march through midtown Manhattan.
The decision by New York Supreme Court Justice Jacqueline Silbermann is the latest in a running legal battle between the protest group and the city. She sided with city officials, who say they fear the grass on the park's Great Lawn would be damaged and security could not be ensured for the huge crowd.
The lawn was restored seven years ago at a cost of $18 million.
"We fully recognize the vital importance of First Amendment rights," said Jonathan Pines, lead attorney for the city, in a statement following the ruling. "However, when dealing with an event of this magnitude, the city must balance all relevant factors, including the availability of other demonstration areas and the potential damage to Central Park."
Leslie Cagan, national coordinator for organizers United for Peace and Justice, said they would abide by the ruling and not rally in the park but would stage a rally nonetheless after the march, which is estimated to draw 250,000 demonstrators.
"We will not end at Madison Square Garden," said Cagan. "We are planning to have a rally some place else. We are talking about a location some distance away from the Garden."
The protest group had argued that their constitutional rights of free speech were being violated. The group is a coalition of organizations opposed to the U.S. war in Iraq (news - web sites) and Bush administration policies.
They noted that the city has given permission to huge events in Central Park such as the Metropolitan Opera (news - web sites) and a concert by the Dave Matthews Band sponsored by AOL last year.
"We believe the court is wrong and we believe this is actually a violation of our constitutional rights to assemble," Cagan said after the decision was announced.
Leveling criticism at Republican Mayor Michael Bloomberg, she added: "A Republican mayor hosting a Republican convention has done everything designed to undermine the demonstration against policies of a Republican administration."
The group has a permit to march under the banner "The World Says No To The Bush Agenda" on Sunday past Madison Square Garden.
Republicans are holding their convention in the famed arena Aug. 30 to Sept. 2 under strict security amid a series of government warnings of a possible terrorist attack to nominate President Bush (news - web sites) for a second term in the race against Democratic nominee Sen. John Kerry (news - web sites).
In a separate case on Monday, a federal judge declined to order the city to issue a permit for a joint civil rights rally in Central Park on Saturday by another anti-war group and an Arab-American organization. (Additional reporting by Christine Kearney)
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| .....Offensive resumes in Najaf, prompting desertions of Iraqi troops |
| 08.15.04 (3:50 pm) [edit] |
|
BAGHDAD, Iraq - U.S. and Iraqi forces launched a renewed assault Sunday on Shiite Muslim militiamen in the southern holy city of Najaf in a risky campaign that was marred from the onset by an outcry from Iraqi politicians and the desertion of dozens of Iraqi troops who refused to fight their countrymen.
The latest siege began Sunday afternoon, a day after Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi's administration announced that fighting would resume after negotiations between government officials and aides to Muqtada al-Sadr failed to end the militant cleric's 10-day rebellion. The failed cease-fire talks, desertions and renewed fighting further undermined Allawi's leadership just as Iraq was poised to take its first step toward free elections by picking a national assembly.
More than 100 delegates walked out of a national conference that was hailed as Iraq's first experiment with democracy after decades of dictatorship. Enraged over the fresh violence in Najaf, the delegates left the meeting hall declaring that, "as long as there are airstrikes and shelling, we can't have a conference."
The day's events illustrated the dilemma that plagues Allawi and his American supporters.
It will be difficult, if not impossible, for Allawi to establish his leadership, hold Iraq together and prod the country toward democracy without crushing his militant opponents, not only in the Shiite south but also in the old Saddam Hussein strongholds north and west of the capital. But to do that, Allawi must rely on unpopular U.S. troops, whose offensives only lend support to the charge that Allawi is an American puppet.
Sunday's showdown in Najaf was troubled even before the fighting resumed. Several officials from the Iraqi defense ministry told Knight Ridder that more than 100 Iraqi national guardsmen and a battalion of Iraqi soldiers chose to quit rather than attack fellow Iraqis in a city that includes some of the holiest sites in Shiite Islam. Neither U.S. military officials nor Iraqi government officials would confirm the resignations.
"We received a report that a whole battalion (in Najaf) threw down their rifles," said one high-ranking defense ministry official, who didn't want his name published because he's not an official spokesman. "We expected this, and we expect it again and again."
"In Najaf, there are no Iraqi Army or police involved in the fighting. There were in the beginning, but later the American forces led the fighting," said Raad Kadhemi, a spokesman for al-Sadr. "Only the mercenaries and the bastards are supporting the Americans and helping them ... We salute our brothers who abandoned participating in the fight against the Mahdi Army."
Arabic-language satellite channels broadcast live all day from inside the Imam Ali shrine in Najaf, where dozens of members of al-Sadr's Mahdi Army militia chanted vows to defend the holy site. Plumes of smoke rose from just outside the shrine, and reporters heard the crackle of machine-gun fire and the deeper booms of tank and mortar rounds. Many journalists had fled the area after Iraqi police evicted them and threatened them with arrest if they stayed.
Sober-faced Iraqi colonels gathered inside the defense ministry command center, their cell phones ringing with continuous updates from the battlefield. American military advisers wandered in and out of the room, located at the end of a marble hallway in the massive, heavily guarded palace that serves as headquarters for U.S.-led forces and American civilian administrators.
"Aziz is trapped in the ancient fortress with two wounded men and two of his vehicles surrounded!" shouted one Iraqi officer.
The officers, most of them decorated veterans from the former regime, shook their heads at the thought of Iraqis battling Iraqis on sacred soil. Several said they would resign immediately if senior officers ordered them to serve in Najaf. They asked to withhold their names for fear of reprimand.
"I'm ready to fight for my country's independence and for my country's stability," one lieutenant colonel said. "But I won't fight my own people."
"No way," added another officer, who said his brother - a colonel - quit the same day he received orders to serve in the field. "These are my people. Why should I fight someone just because he has a difference in opinion about the future of the country?"
However, an Iraqi military analyst inside the ministry defended the assault, saying that crushing al-Sadr's militia would finally bring stability to the volatile southern Shiite region and smooth the way to national elections. The analyst, who spoke on background because he wasn't authorized to give interviews, said force was the last resort because "dialogue and rational policy" had failed with al-Sadr's men.
The analyst said Iraqi forces are taking precautions against damaging the Imam Ali shrine, a place of pilgrimage for millions of Shiites, but added that battles in the area were inevitable because militiamen holed up there were attacking from the shrine.
"Iraqi forces will shoot them even if they are inside," the official said. "The militia itself has violated this place, storing weapons there and using it as a fort."
Halfway through the interview, two mortars landed outside his office with deafening thuds that rattled windows throughout the building.
"That? That's just music," the analyst said with a grim smile.
Another mortar strike Sunday killed two Iraqis and wounded 17 at a bus station near the Baghdad convention center, where the national conference was under way. Pools of blood dried in the blazing sun and pieces of flesh were still stuck to the seats of a bus at the scene. In total, nine Iraqis died and 56 were injured in Sunday's violence in Baghdad, according to the Iraqi health ministry.
At an Iraqi national guard base near the border of Sadr City, the vast Baghdad slum that serves as al-Sadr's support base and recruiting ground, 1st Sgt. Khalid Ali described the death threats he and other Iraqi troops have received from the Mahdi Army. He drew distinctions between fighting fellow Iraqis and fighting militiamen, whom he holds responsible for the deaths of two of his relatives.
"There are concerns about what's happening in Najaf because most of the people working here are Shiite and they are concerned about what happens to their sacred sites," Ali said. "We do not fight our brothers, we fight against those people who are sabotaging our country. The Mahdi Army is not Shiite, they are saboteurs."
But when Ali was asked about the number of guardsmen who have quit since al-Sadr's latest uprising, U.S. Army 1st Lt. Vernon Sparkmon cut him off.
"Certain things, you can't discuss," Sparkmon told Ali. "If somebody asks that question, that's, like, classified stuff."
By Hannah Allam, Tom Lasseter and Dogen Hannah
 Knight Ridder Newspapers By Hannah Allam, Tom Lasseter and Dogen Hannah
 Knight Ridder Newspapers
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| .....GIs in Iraq are asking: Why are we here? |
| 08.12.04 (4:08 pm) [edit] |
|
RAMADI, Iraq Four months into their tour of duty at one of the most dangerous American bases in Iraq, young marines say the slow pace of progress is shaking their faith in their mission.
Playing cards one recent evening while on call to respond to any sudden outburst of violence, Lance Corporal David Goward and the rest of his squad voiced two growing concerns: that the U.S. military would linger here indefinitely and that the troops' very presence was provoking the fighting it was meant to stop.
They are ready for any battle, they said, but a pervasive sense that Iraqis do not want their help has killed their enthusiasm for the larger goals of introducing democracy and rebuilding the country.
"I don't think any of us even care what happens to this country," Goward said, as a half-dozen marines, all stationed here in the capital of the restive Anbar Province, nodded in agreement. "I'm here to make sure these guys get home safely. And they're here to make sure I do."
Senior Marine Corps and Army commanders in this Sunni Muslim region west of Baghdad, an area they say must be tamed for the new U.S.-$ backed Iraqi government to succeed, repeatedly cautioned a reporter that junior-level troops did not see the big picture.
Grunts don't hear Anbar's governor asking the United States not to leave, the senior officers said. They don't see Iraqi officials shouldering new responsibilities; they don't see Iraqi police doing a better job on the outskirts of Ramadi, the provincial capital, than they do in the more anti-American downtown.
But Goward and his squad - and others who echoed them from Ramadi to Falluja - are sending a signal from the enlisted men who bear the brunt of the military's burden.
Many are on their second tour of duty in Iraq and may face a third if U.S. forces are needed, as expected, to guarantee security through the election of a permanent Iraqi government in late 2005.
They can recite by heart their stated mission, to protect the fledgling local government until Iraqi security forces are strong enough to take over. But as continued attacks and new U.S. tactics have cut down on their interactions with Iraqis - other than in combat - many say they witness little gratitude and little progress.
From Goward's point of view, the United States has fulfilled its goals in Iraq: toppling Saddam Hussein, capturing him, handing off formal sovereignty to Iraqis. "What's left?" he asked.
His squad belongs to Golf Company, part of the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment, which occupies three bases in downtown Ramadi and has faced some of the country's largest insurgent attacks.
The battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Kennedy, a Boston University graduate from Bloomfield, Connecticut, calls Golf his "fightingest" company. Golf has fended off the most company- and platoon-size attacks, he said, with 4 marines killed and 43 injured.
Last week, Lieutenant Donovan Campbell, a platoon commander, busily typed up citations for his men, one for a young marine who grabbed a heavy machine gun he was not trained to use and laid down covering fire from a rooftop to help fight off a major attack.
Yet, for the marines, it is sometimes hard to see the results.
Goward's squad was assigned one recent evening to act as a quick reaction force. If fighting broke out, they would be first to respond. They played spades, using an empty cot as a card table. A hole in the wall showed where a rocket had burst through a few weeks earlier; it hit the floor without exploding.
Asked about their experiences in Iraq, they first reacted with sheepish silence; then poured out their own questions about their situation.
"I haven't seen any improvement since I've been here," said Corporal Jaime Duenas, 23, of Nogales, Arizona. He contrasted Ramadi to southern Iraq, where he was stationed last year just after the invasion and worked with locals happy to see Saddam toppled.
"Last year, it was pretty chill; kids ran up to us and waved," he said. "Here, kids throw rocks."
"People are tired of us being here," said Lance Corporal Anthony Robert, 21, of Charlottesville, Virginia. "It's the same as if someone came to the U.S. and started taking over. You'd do what you'd have to do."
Lance Corporal Kenneth Burke, 22, of Lufkin, Texas, looked up from his cards. "OIF-1 had a purpose," he said, referring to Operation Iraqi Freedom 1, the Marine Corps deployment in the invasion. "This one, I don't think so."
Burke is one of two marines called back to Iraq from stateside duties to fill out the ranks of the squad, which has 10 members instead of the typical 13 because several of have gone home with injuries. The squad boasts nine Purple Hearts.
"It makes your day to be in a firefight," Duenas said.
"It gets your blood flowing," Robert added.
But they are disappointed that they spend little of their time working with Iraqis to rebuild their country. An increase in violence since April and a U.S. decision to take a lower profile in the area have prevented that.
The squad members said they had come to resent Iraqi security forces who seemed unwilling to take risks and Iraqis who did not want them there.
"It doesn't matter how much America looks like it's trying to help," said the squad's leader, Corporal Glen Handy, 26, of Las Vegas. "If we stay 10 years or if we stay one year, we're going to leave and there's going to be chaos here."
The marines are surprised at some of their own ugly emotions. The Army troops whom the marines replaced told them, "You're going to learn to hate these people," Goward recalled. "I thought, 'With that attitude, no wonder you're having a hard time.' But you know what? They're absolutely right."
Goward, 26, said he would serve in whatever way his country demanded. But like the rest of the squad, he does not plan to re-enlist.
Handy has been overseas 19 of the last 24 months and had spent just 5 months with his 2-year-old daughter. He worries that he will be called up involuntarily - as is permitted for four years - after his active duty ends.
"Are they going to come back and die next time?" he asked, pointing to the younger marines.
Some troops in calmer areas find the job more rewarding. Across the river, in an outlying neighborhood, Army Private Second Class Jose Ortiz, 22, was on patrol recently when Iraqis approached and asked him to stop a local businessman from overcharging for electricity.
Ortiz's unit has worked extensively with the neighborhood to start a fairer system of electricity distribution. He said he would never want the United States to pull out: "We've done too much here."
Downtown, where insurgents are more active, marines face a grimmer situation. They live on small bases in refitted warehouses. Sandbags encircle the portable toilets in case of mortar attacks. A sign in the command center exhorts: Kill like a champion today!
The dangers and frustrations of the job were apparent as Golf's commanding officer, Captain Christopher Bronzi, met Kennedy on a street corner one recent morning.
They were searching for a new observation post to spot people planting roadside bombs. Local religious leaders have asked the marines to leave their current post, a blue-domed building called the Agricultural Center. The locals call it a religious site; it has often drawn rebels' gunfire.
Walking the streets, the marines got no friendly smiles, just hard stares. They settled on an old hotel, but to make it an observation post, they will have to block a busy alley to foil car bombs, reinforce the roof and cut down some of the few tall trees for a better view - investments suggesting the marines will be there for a long time.
Corporal Nat Canaga, 18, whom Bronzi commends for staying dedicated even after being wounded and witnessing another marine's jaw shot off, has adjusted his expectations.
"I can't say we're failing in our mission," he concluded at the end of the talk around the card table. "Our mission has changed. It's just to kill the bad guys. And we're doing that."
The Boston Globe RAMADI, Iraq Four months into their tour of duty at one of the most dangerous American bases in Iraq, young marines say the slow pace of progress is shaking their faith in their mission.
Playing cards one recent evening while on call to respond to any sudden outburst of violence, Lance Corporal David Goward and the rest of his squad voiced two growing concerns: that the U.S. military would linger here indefinitely and that the troops' very presence was provoking the fighting it was meant to stop.
They are ready for any battle, they said, but a pervasive sense that Iraqis do not want their help has killed their enthusiasm for the larger goals of introducing democracy and rebuilding the country.
"I don't think any of us even care what happens to this country," Goward said, as a half-dozen marines, all stationed here in the capital of the restive Anbar Province, nodded in agreement. "I'm here to make sure these guys get home safely. And they're here to make sure I do."
Senior Marine Corps and Army commanders in this Sunni Muslim region west of Baghdad, an area they say must be tamed for the new U.S.-$ backed Iraqi government to succeed, repeatedly cautioned a reporter that junior-level troops did not see the big picture.
Grunts don't hear Anbar's governor asking the United States not to leave, the senior officers said. They don't see Iraqi officials shouldering new responsibilities; they don't see Iraqi police doing a better job on the outskirts of Ramadi, the provincial capital, than they do in the more anti-American downtown.
But Goward and his squad - and others who echoed them from Ramadi to Falluja - are sending a signal from the enlisted men who bear the brunt of the military's burden.
Many are on their second tour of duty in Iraq and may face a third if U.S. forces are needed, as expected, to guarantee security through the election of a permanent Iraqi government in late 2005.
They can recite by heart their stated mission, to protect the fledgling local government until Iraqi security forces are strong enough to take over. But as continued attacks and new U.S. tactics have cut down on their interactions with Iraqis - other than in combat - many say they witness little gratitude and little progress.
From Goward's point of view, the United States has fulfilled its goals in Iraq: toppling Saddam Hussein, capturing him, handing off formal sovereignty to Iraqis. "What's left?" he asked.
His squad belongs to Golf Company, part of the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment, which occupies three bases in downtown Ramadi and has faced some of the country's largest insurgent attacks.
The battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Kennedy, a Boston University graduate from Bloomfield, Connecticut, calls Golf his "fightingest" company. Golf has fended off the most company- and platoon-size attacks, he said, with 4 marines killed and 43 injured.
Last week, Lieutenant Donovan Campbell, a platoon commander, busily typed up citations for his men, one for a young marine who grabbed a heavy machine gun he was not trained to use and laid down covering fire from a rooftop to help fight off a major attack.
Yet, for the marines, it is sometimes hard to see the results.
Goward's squad was assigned one recent evening to act as a quick reaction force. If fighting broke out, they would be first to respond. They played spades, using an empty cot as a card table. A hole in the wall showed where a rocket had burst through a few weeks earlier; it hit the floor without exploding.
Asked about their experiences in Iraq, they first reacted with sheepish silence; then poured out their own questions about their situation.
"I haven't seen any improvement since I've been here," said Corporal Jaime Duenas, 23, of Nogales, Arizona. He contrasted Ramadi to southern Iraq, where he was stationed last year just after the invasion and worked with locals happy to see Saddam toppled.
"Last year, it was pretty chill; kids ran up to us and waved," he said. "Here, kids throw rocks."
"People are tired of us being here," said Lance Corporal Anthony Robert, 21, of Charlottesville, Virginia. "It's the same as if someone came to the U.S. and started taking over. You'd do what you'd have to do."
Lance Corporal Kenneth Burke, 22, of Lufkin, Texas, looked up from his cards. "OIF-1 had a purpose," he said, referring to Operation Iraqi Freedom 1, the Marine Corps deployment in the invasion. "This one, I don't think so."
Burke is one of two marines called back to Iraq from stateside duties to fill out the ranks of the squad, which has 10 members instead of the typical 13 because several of have gone home with injuries. The squad boasts nine Purple Hearts.
"It makes your day to be in a firefight," Duenas said.
"It gets your blood flowing," Robert added.
But they are disappointed that they spend little of their time working with Iraqis to rebuild their country. An increase in violence since April and a U.S. decision to take a lower profile in the area have prevented that.
The squad members said they had come to resent Iraqi security forces who seemed unwilling to take risks and Iraqis who did not want them there.
"It doesn't matter how much America looks like it's trying to help," said the squad's leader, Corporal Glen Handy, 26, of Las Vegas. "If we stay 10 years or if we stay one year, we're going to leave and there's going to be chaos here."
The marines are surprised at some of their own ugly emotions. The Army troops whom the marines replaced told them, "You're going to learn to hate these people," Goward recalled. "I thought, 'With that attitude, no wonder you're having a hard time.' But you know what? They're absolutely right."
Goward, 26, said he would serve in whatever way his country demanded. But like the rest of the squad, he does not plan to re-enlist.
Handy has been overseas 19 of the last 24 months and had spent just 5 months with his 2-year-old daughter. He worries that he will be called up involuntarily - as is permitted for four years - after his active duty ends.
"Are they going to come back and die next time?" he asked, pointing to the younger marines.
Some troops in calmer areas find the job more rewarding. Across the river, in an outlying neighborhood, Army Private Second Class Jose Ortiz, 22, was on patrol recently when Iraqis approached and asked him to stop a local businessman from overcharging for electricity.
Ortiz's unit has worked extensively with the neighborhood to start a fairer system of electricity distribution. He said he would never want the United States to pull out: "We've done too much here."
Downtown, where insurgents are more active, marines face a grimmer situation. They live on small bases in refitted warehouses. Sandbags encircle the portable toilets in case of mortar attacks. A sign in the command center exhorts: Kill like a champion today!
The dangers and frustrations of the job were apparent as Golf's commanding officer, Captain Christopher Bronzi, met Kennedy on a street corner one recent morning.
They were searching for a new observation post to spot people planting roadside bombs. Local religious leaders have asked the marines to leave their current post, a blue-domed building called the Agricultural Center. The locals call it a religious site; it has often drawn rebels' gunfire.
Walking the streets, the marines got no friendly smiles, just hard stares. They settled on an old hotel, but to make it an observation post, they will have to block a busy alley to foil car bombs, reinforce the roof and cut down some of the few tall trees for a better view - investments suggesting the marines will be there for a long time.
Corporal Nat Canaga, 18, whom Bronzi commends for staying dedicated even after being wounded and witnessing another marine's jaw shot off, has adjusted his expectations.
"I can't say we're failing in our mission," he concluded at the end of the talk around the card table. "Our mission has changed. It's just to kill the bad guys. And we're doing that."
The Boston Globe RAMADI, Iraq Four months into their tour of duty at one of the most dangerous American bases in Iraq, young marines say the slow pace of progress is shaking their faith in their mission.
Playing cards one recent evening while on call to respond to any sudden outburst of violence, Lance Corporal David Goward and the rest of his squad voiced two growing concerns: that the U.S. military would linger here indefinitely and that the troops' very presence was provoking the fighting it was meant to stop.
They are ready for any battle, they said, but a pervasive sense that Iraqis do not want their help has killed their enthusiasm for the larger goals of introducing democracy and rebuilding the country.
"I don't think any of us even care what happens to this country," Goward said, as a half-dozen marines, all stationed here in the capital of the restive Anbar Province, nodded in agreement. "I'm here to make sure these guys get home safely. And they're here to make sure I do."
Senior Marine Corps and Army commanders in this Sunni Muslim region west of Baghdad, an area they say must be tamed for the new U.S.-$ backed Iraqi government to succeed, repeatedly cautioned a reporter that junior-level troops did not see the big picture.
Grunts don't hear Anbar's governor asking the United States not to leave, the senior officers said. They don't see Iraqi officials shouldering new responsibilities; they don't see Iraqi police doing a better job on the outskirts of Ramadi, the provincial capital, than they do in the more anti-American downtown.
But Goward and his squad - and others who echoed them from Ramadi to Falluja - are sending a signal from the enlisted men who bear the brunt of the military's burden.
Many are on their second tour of duty in Iraq and may face a third if U.S. forces are needed, as expected, to guarantee security through the election of a permanent Iraqi government in late 2005.
They can recite by heart their stated mission, to protect the fledgling local government until Iraqi security forces are strong enough to take over. But as continued attacks and new U.S. tactics have cut down on their interactions with Iraqis - other than in combat - many say they witness little gratitude and little progress.
From Goward's point of view, the United States has fulfilled its goals in Iraq: toppling Saddam Hussein, capturing him, handing off formal sovereignty to Iraqis. "What's left?" he asked.
His squad belongs to Golf Company, part of the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment, which occupies three bases in downtown Ramadi and has faced some of the country's largest insurgent attacks.
The battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Kennedy, a Boston University graduate from Bloomfield, Connecticut, calls Golf his "fightingest" company. Golf has fended off the most company- and platoon-size attacks, he said, with 4 marines killed and 43 injured.
Last week, Lieutenant Donovan Campbell, a platoon commander, busily typed up citations for his men, one for a young marine who grabbed a heavy machine gun he was not trained to use and laid down covering fire from a rooftop to help fight off a major attack.
Yet, for the marines, it is sometimes hard to see the results.
Goward's squad was assigned one recent evening to act as a quick reaction force. If fighting broke out, they would be first to respond. They played spades, using an empty cot as a card table. A hole in the wall showed where a rocket had burst through a few weeks earlier; it hit the floor without exploding.
Asked about their experiences in Iraq, they first reacted with sheepish silence; then poured out their own questions about their situation.
"I haven't seen any improvement since I've been here," said Corporal Jaime Duenas, 23, of Nogales, Arizona. He contrasted Ramadi to southern Iraq, where he was stationed last year just after the invasion and worked with locals happy to see Saddam toppled.
"Last year, it was pretty chill; kids ran up to us and waved," he said. "Here, kids throw rocks."
"People are tired of us being here," said Lance Corporal Anthony Robert, 21, of Charlottesville, Virginia. "It's the same as if someone came to the U.S. and started taking over. You'd do what you'd have to do."
Lance Corporal Kenneth Burke, 22, of Lufkin, Texas, looked up from his cards. "OIF-1 had a purpose," he said, referring to Operation Iraqi Freedom 1, the Marine Corps deployment in the invasion. "This one, I don't think so."
Burke is one of two marines called back to Iraq from stateside duties to fill out the ranks of the squad, which has 10 members instead of the typical 13 because several of have gone home with injuries. The squad boasts nine Purple Hearts.
"It makes your day to be in a firefight," Duenas said. . "It gets your blood flowing," Robert added.
But they are disappointed that they spend little of their time working with Iraqis to rebuild their country. An increase in violence since April and a U.S. decision to take a lower profile in the area have prevented that.
The squad members said they had come to resent Iraqi security forces who seemed unwilling to take risks and Iraqis who did not want them there.
"It doesn't matter how much America looks like it's trying to help," said the squad's leader, Corporal Glen Handy, 26, of Las Vegas. "If we stay 10 years or if we stay one year, we're going to leave and there's going to be chaos here."
The marines are surprised at some of their own ugly emotions. The Army troops whom the marines replaced told them, "You're going to learn to hate these people," Goward recalled. "I thought, 'With that attitude, no wonder you're having a hard time.' But you know what? They're absolutely right."
Goward, 26, said he would serve in whatever way his country demanded. But like the rest of the squad, he does not plan to re-enlist.
Handy has been overseas 19 of the last 24 months and had spent just 5 months with his 2-year-old daughter. He worries that he will be called up involuntarily - as is permitted for four years - after his active duty ends.
"Are they going to come back and die next time?" he asked, pointing to the younger marines.
Some troops in calmer areas find the job more rewarding. Across the river, in an outlying neighborhood, Army Private Second Class Jose Ortiz, 22, was on patrol recently when Iraqis approached and asked him to stop a local businessman from overcharging for electricity.
Ortiz's unit has worked extensively with the neighborhood to start a fairer system of electricity distribution. He said he would never want the United States to pull out: "We've done too much here."
Downtown, where insurgents are more active, marines face a grimmer situation. They live on small bases in refitted warehouses. Sandbags encircle the portable toilets in case of mortar attacks. A sign in the command center exhorts: Kill like a champion today!
The dangers and frustrations of the job were apparent as Golf's commanding officer, Captain Christopher Bronzi, met Kennedy on a street corner one recent morning.
They were searching for a new observation post to spot people planting roadside bombs. Local religious leaders have asked the marines to leave their current post, a blue-domed building called the Agricultural Center. The locals call it a religious site; it has often drawn rebels' gunfire.
Walking the streets, the marines got no friendly smiles, just hard stares. They settled on an old hotel, but to make it an observation post, they will have to block a busy alley to foil car bombs, reinforce the roof and cut down some of the few tall trees for a better view - investments suggesting the marines will be there for a long time.
Corporal Nat Canaga, 18, whom Bronzi commends for staying dedicated even after being wounded and witnessing another marine's jaw shot off, has adjusted his expectations.
"I can't say we're failing in our mission," he concluded at the end of the talk around the card table. "Our mission has changed. It's just to kill the bad guys. And we're doing that."
Anne Barnard/ The Boston Globe The Boston Globe
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| .....Al Qaeda plots to influence US elections? |
| 08.11.04 (7:37 pm) [edit] |
Agence France-Presse reports on Tuesday that Pakistani intelligence officials say they have uncovered evidence which shows Al Qaeda was plotting a series of attacks in order to influence the 2004 US presidential elections.
'The network was looking to strike a major blow ahead of the elections. Al-Qaeda was looking to strike in the United States or its chief allies Great Britain and Pakistan,' said the official, asking to remain anonymous. 'The period before the US presidential elections was very critical,' said the official, who has played a key role in a crackdown against Al-Qaeda in Pakistan over the past month which has netted over 20 suspected operatives.
And Time magazine on Monday quoted a top Homeland Security official as saying that intelligence agencies have "... a number of times picked up information that Al Qaeda wants to attack us before the election, and some of the communications attribute that desire to Osama Bin Laden.
But security experts and political commentators have been split over whom Al Qaeda wants to win the 2004 US presidential elections: US President George Bush or his Democratic challenger Sen. John Kerry.
In June CIA officer Michael Scheuer, who writes under the pseudonym "Anonymous," told the British newspaper the Guardian that Al Qaeda couldn't have a better administration in place in terms of achieving its goals. Mr. Scheuer believes that the president is "taking the US in exactly the direction Bin Laden wants, towards all-out confrontation with Islam under the banner of spreading democracy."
'I'm very sure they can't have a better administration for them than the one they have now,' he said. 'One way to keep the Republicans in power is to mount an attack that would rally the country around the president.'
Asia Times reporter and commentator Pepe Escobar argued earlier this year that Al Qaeda wants President Bush to remain in office because he has become such a lightning rod for many Muslims that his reelection would help the terror group continue to raise funds and new recruits.
Al Qaeda wants the Iraq occupation to be prolonged, with or without a puppet government: there could not be a better advertisement for rallying Muslims against the arrogance of the West. Al Qaeda's and the Bush administration's future are interlocked anyway.
National Public Radio's All Things Considered (audio) also looks at Al Qaeda's election threat, and reports it's not clear which candidate the group wants to see in the White House. Reporter Mary Louise Kelly interviews National Review columnist Michael Ledeen, who believes that Al Qaeda wants a Kerry presidency. Daniel Byman, columnist for Slate and a senior fellow at the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution, tells Ms. Kelly he thinks Al Qaeda favors a renewed Bush presidency, for similar reasons to those mentioned above.
But Mr. Byman says he isn't convinced a pre-election attack is in the works at all. In fact, he wrote last week in Slate, the US is much safer these days than at any time. National Security, he writes, is in fact better than we might think it is.
Shibley Telhami of the University of Maryland, who is also a senior fellow at the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution, wrote in late July that the idea that Al Qaeda wants to influence the elections is probably not true because it works against Al Qaeda's best interests. He argues that Al Qaeda is more interested in affecting US foreign policy, which is unlikely to change dramatically if Mr. Kerry is elected, because "US policy is thus essential in affecting the extent to which Muslims resent the United States more than they hate Al Qaeda."
Meanwhile The New York Times reports Tuesday that while the capture of computer expert Mohammad Naeem Noor Khan has resulted in a treasure trove of information about Al Qaeda, it also shows that the organization is much stronger and more resilient than many believed.
For the past several months, the president has claimed that much of Al Qaeda's leadership has been killed or captured; the new evidence suggests that the organization is regenerating and bringing in new blood.
The Sunday Independent of South Africa reported Sunday on how for all the attention paid to the border region of Pakistan by US and local troops, and despite the recent captures of Al Qaeda members, it seems that "Osama bin Laden has pulled off one of the greatest disappearing acts in history." The paper also quotes members of the Pakistani opposition parties who allege that Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf doesn't really want to capture the Al Qaeda leader.
"There is a view among some that they don't really want to pick OBL [Osama bin Laden] up, because if they do, then Musharraf would lose his utility to the US," says Sherry Rehman, an opposition member of parliament.
Pakistan government officials say the are not even focusing on Bin Laden, who they claim is not able to operate effectively. AFP reports that they are more interested in two other Al Qaeda members that they believe are still in their country.
"Now we are more focussed in eliminating the group and using all our resources to track down the two real masterminds, Libyan Abu Fajr and the Egyptian called Hamza. The information that we have gathered now does not point to OBL's involvement in current attack planning of the group."
The Daily Times of Pakistan also reports on how smaller terror groups that have grown from a common belief in Al Qaeda's militant ideology are acting like "terror franchises" and making the war on terror much harder to fight.
"It's like McDonald's giving out franchises," said Dia'a Rashwan, an Egyptian expert on militant groups. "All they have to do is follow the company's manual. They don't consult with headquarters every time they want to produce a meal."
Finally, retired US Army Colonel Robert Killebrew writes in the Washington Post that as serious a threat as Al Qaeda poses in 2004, that threat could grow even more dangerous if Al Qaeda follow the trajectory of similar terrorist groups in the past and becomes a political movement in the Middle East.
To carry out short-term plans for regional terrorism, Al-Qaeda has an almost limitless pool of manpower. But its emerging leaders will soon realize – if they have not already – that their higher objectives cannot be achieved by hit-and-run attacks, no matter how devastating. For ambitions this vast, they need to transmute terror into political legitimacy in the same way that Fatah transformed itself into the quasigovernment of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), leading to the sight of a gun-toting Yasser Arafat at the podium of the United Nations. Hezbollah is acquiring political legitimacy in Syrian-dominated Lebanon, as is Hamas in Palestine and Gaza. "Legitimacy" doesn’t matter to Al-Qaeda today, but it must have it tomorrow if it wants to stay in the game.
by Tom Reganhref="/cgi-bin/encryptmai l.pl?ID=CAE9EDA0C2E5EEE3E9F 6E5EEE7E1"Jim Bencivenga-- Matthew Clark--| csmonitor.com
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| ....Ridge on defensive after terror alert |
| 08.04.04 (2:09 pm) [edit] |
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WASHINGTON — Ever since Tom Ridge developed the color-coded terrorist threat advisory system and first put the nation at orange alert on Sept. 10, 2002, he has faced questions and criticism about the warnings he's issued.
Some have called them too vague; others have said they require too many expensive security upgrades in too many places unlikely to be targets of an attack.
On Sunday, however, the Homeland Security secretary stood before the TV cameras and issued a warning that could hardly have been more specific. New intelligence showed al-Qaeda had conducted extensive surveillance on five financial centers in New York City, New Jersey and Washington, D.C., Ridge said. He named the buildings. He and other intelligence officials briefed reporters on details of what they'd uncovered. The only thing they didn't know, Ridge said, was when an attack might come. "We have no specific information that says an attack is imminent," he said. But three days later, Ridge once again found himself on the defensive amid questions about whether he had needlessly panicked the public, using a terrorism alert based on outdated intelligence to shift attention back to President Bush after the Democratic National Convention. To those who would impugn his timing or motives, Ridge said: "I wish I could give them all Top Secret clearances and let them review the information that some of us have the responsibility to review." Speaking to reporters at the Citigroup Center in Manhattan, one of the financial buildings he says has been under surveillance by al-Qaeda, Ridge acknowledged that deciding whether, when and how to inform the public about new terror threats is always "a judgment call." But aides say he and other government officials decided after 9/11 that they have to go public with threat information because: • An alert public can help thwart an attack. • People will know something is up when they see new barricades, more police on street corners and other signs of increased security; if they don't have the facts, they might panic. • The information will leak to the news media anyway, spawning rumors and incorrect reports. • If the government withheld information and an attack occurred, the criticism would be devastating. Still, because intelligence is often imprecise and continued warnings without attacks can begin to look like officials are crying wolf, Ridge is in a "damned-if-you-do, damned-if-you-don't" position when he publicizes alerts, says Randall Larsen, a leading homeland security expert. "I think that Ridge did the right thing," he says. "And it's something we're all going to have to get used to, because we'd all complain if we didn't get the information." But some questioned the timing and tone of Ridge's Sunday news conference. Former Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean suggested it might have been an effort to bump Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry from the headlines after a convention in Boston that focused heavily on his credentials to be commander in chief. "I am concerned that every time something happens that's not good for President Bush, he plays this trump card, which is terrorism," Dean told CNN. Kerry's aides have said they do not believe the timing was politically motivated. But other Democrats have been quietly grumbling. And that prompted Ridge to proclaim Tuesday, for the second time in less than a month, that "we don't do politics in the Department of Homeland Security." The last time he said that, he was standing on the Boston waterfront, just days before Kerry's political convention, answering charges he was hyping the possibility of terrorism around the convention to grab attention from Kerry. Some law enforcement officials worry that disclosing detailed information would tip off terrorists and dry up intelligence sources. But Ridge said the public has a right to know. "The detail, the sophistication, the thoroughness of this information, if you had access to it, you'd say we did the right thing," he said Tuesday. "It's not about politics. It's about confidence in government telling you when they get the information." Contributing: Jill Lawrence USA TODAY
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| ....Fahrenheit 9/11 banned in Kuwait |
| 08.03.04 (4:34 pm) [edit] |
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Associated Press
KUWAIT CITY — Kuwait, a major U.S. ally in the Persian Gulf, has banned Michael Moore's "Fahrenheit 9/11" because it deems the movie insulting to the Saudi Arabian royal family and critical of America's invasion of Iraq, an official said yesterday.
"We have a law that prohibits insulting friendly nations," Abdul-Aziz Bou Dastour, cinema and production supervisor at the Information Ministry, told The Associated Press.
He said the film "insulted the Saudi royal family by saying they had common interests with the Bush family and that those interests contradicted with the interests of the American people."
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| ..........U.S. Warns of High Risk of Qaeda Attack |
| 08.02.04 (2:47 pm) [edit] |
By ERIC LICHTBLAU New York Times Published: August 2, 2004
WASHINGTON, Aug. 1 - The Bush administration on Sunday declared a high risk of terrorist attacks against financial institutions in the New York City and Washington areas after receiving what it described as alarming information that operatives of Al Qaeda had conducted detailed reconnaissance missions at certain sites.
Intelligence information gathered and analyzed since Friday, intelligence officials said, indicates that Al Qaeda has moved ahead with plans to use car bombs or other modes of attack against prominent financial institutions, including the New York Stock Exchange and the Citigroup buildings in Manhattan; Prudential Financial in Newark; and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank in Washington. There was no indication of when an attack might occur, although federal officials said it would probably be in the "near term.''
Intelligence officials said they believed people associated with Al Qaeda had studied these institutions repeatedly both before and since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, collecting detailed information on things like building security measures, architecture, pedestrian traffic, access ways and nearby shops that provided cover. Officials involved with the investigation in New Jersey said suspects were found with blueprints of the Prudential site and may have conducted a "test run" for an attack in recent days.
In response, the Department of Homeland Security raised the threat level to code orange, or "high risk," for the financial sector in New York City, northern New Jersey and Washington. It was the first time that the color-coded public threat system, often maligned for being too vague, has targeted a specific sector or region.
While the administration has issued terrorist warnings from time to time, officials said Sunday's announcement was more dire than in the past because the threat information was highly unusual in its specificity and, in the words of one senior intelligence official, "chilling in its scope.''
After past terror warnings, critics have at times accused the Bush administration of exaggerating the threat for political purposes. But on Sunday, few prominent Democrats were making that charge, and many Democrats appeared to take the threat seriously. The code-orange announcement, by Tom Ridge, secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, sent immediate tremors through financial, political and law enforcement worlds, with reverberations from Wall Street to the presidential campaign trail.
In New York and New Jersey, stepped-up security was expected to complicate the start of the workweek on Monday. Tens of thousands of employees, customers and visitors to Wall Street, Midtown Manhattan and downtown Newark were warned to expect tighter personal screening, closer scrutiny of backpacks and packages, more parking and traffic restrictions and other disruptive precautionary measures. [Page A11.]
Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg said teams of officers would be posted at "sensitive and symbolic" sites throughout New York City, including landmarks, major subway stations and train and bus terminals, and on bridge and tunnel approaches, where trucks and other large vehicles are to be halted at random and searched for explosives.
In New Jersey, Gov. James E. McGreevey said the state would immediately deploy antiterrorist officers on highways, commuter trains and ferries and begin intense inspections of trucks within 20 miles of the targeted buildings. A thousand state investigators were assigned to work on the case.
Mr. Ridge said the federal government was working with private financial institutions in New York and Washington and taking steps of its own to intensify security. He also asked for increased public vigilance.
"The quality of this intelligence, based on multiple reporting streams in multiple locations, is rarely seen and it is alarming in both the amount and specificity of the information," Mr. Ridge said.
Unlike last December, when officials raised the threat level to orange because of concerns about international flights over the Christmas and New Year's holidays, intelligence officials said they had no information to conclude an attack was now imminent and no specific indication about when one might be carried out.
The elevation of the threat level for the financial institutions was set off by the recent arrest of a Pakistani computer engineer who may have been involved in Qaeda communication efforts. A senior American intelligence official, while not discussing the source of the information, said analysts were reviewing recently discovered documents that amount to "a potential treasure trove." Officials emphasized that the threat information went beyond intelligence "chatter" picked up from intercepted communications or Internet traffic, which has formed the basis for past warnings.
Several episodes in the United States have recently drawn scrutiny from counterterrorism officials, including the apprehension of a Pakistani woman in Texas with a suspicious passport as well as reports from passengers on a recent flight to Los Angeles about odd activity by a group of Syrian musicians. But officials said that neither of these incidents was a direct factor in the decision to go to Code Orange.
The information uncovered in recent days overlapped with broader concerns that Al Qaeda might plot an attack on or before the Nov. 2 presidential election in an effort to repeat the disruption caused by the Madrid bombings in March. Officials said they believed that senior Qaeda leaders along the Afghan-Pakistani border, including Osama bin Laden, were personally involved in such plots.
Mr. Ridge said he was concerned that Al Qaeda might seek to attack financial institutions in one of three ways: the physical destruction of a building, an outside cyberattack intended to cripple financial markets or an internal attack that would allow someone within an organization to disrupt its operations. From the intelligence gleaned so far, he said, "the preferred method of attack or what's being suggested in the reporting is car and truck bombs - the physical destruction or attempted physical destruction of these facilities."
Like the World Trade Center, financial targets like the New York Stock Exchange and the World Bank are seen as attractive to Al Qaeda largely for symbolic reasons in its effort to wage psychological warfare against the United States, officials said.
"Even the destruction of a single building is not going to undermine the greatest and strongest economy in the world," Mr. Ridge said. "So, to a certain extent, they are almost iconic. They're visible targets perhaps known around the rest of the world."
Officials said they hoped that public scrutiny might help to disrupt a plot, as happened in December 2002, when an alert flight attendant on a trans-Atlantic flight saw Richard Reid trying to light an explosive in his shoe. Or public attention might even prompt terrorist to call off a plot, officials said, as they suspect happened when an Ohio truck driver suspected of surveying the Brooklyn Bridge in 2003 told associates in Pakistan that security was "too hot."
Intelligence officials said they were most concerned about what they described as the fresh evidence that Qaeda associates had conducted reconnaissance missions against important financial targets.
Al Qaeda is long known to have undertaken surveillance of its potential targets. But intelligence officials said they were struck by the detail in recently uncovered evidence, showing Al Qaeda to be focused, patient, disciplined and committed in its desire to attack prominent American targets.
A senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said there was evidence of reconnaissance missions at all five of the financial institutions cited by the Department of Homeland Security. "This information is about as specific as you can get," the official said.
Intelligence officials listed several dozens pieces of information that they said Qaeda operatives had collected in their reconnaissance missions on security procedures and vulnerabilities at financial institutions. These included the flow of pedestrian traffic, possible escape routes, elevator schedules, neighborhood landmarks, the patterns and number of security personnel, details on surveillance cameras and architectural details that would influence how a building might fare in a bombing, officials said.
"The new information is chilling in its scope, in its detail, in its breadth," said a senior intelligence official, speaking on condition of anonymity. "It also gives one a sense the same feeling one would have if one found out that somebody broke into your house and over the past several months was taking a lot of details about your place of residence and looking for ways to attack you."
Mr. Ridge said he believed toughened federal security measures since the Sept. 11 attacks, including the use of air monitors to detect biological threats, explosive-sniffing dogs, beefed-up undercover and emergency response teams and other measures, have left the country better prepared to defend itself against a possible attack.
"These added security measures mean that from curb to the cockpit, at our ports of entry and borders in between, and our public places in cyberspace, on air and land and sea, we are better protected than we ever have been before," he said.
But the final report of the Sept. 11 commission released last month said wide-scale reforms in intelligence-gathering and domestic protection were needed to predict and prevent another attack, and the White House and Congress are grappling with how that might be best accomplished.
White House officials said Sunday that President Bush was likely to move ahead on Monday with plans to announce an executive order addressing some of the weaknesses in the nation's defenses identified by the commission. The officials declined to be specific about those plans, but they said Mr. Bush would also respond to the commission's call to create the post of national intelligence director and establish a counterterrorism center within the White House to coordinate the response to threats at home and abroad.
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| ......Bush camp solicits race of Star staffer |
| 08.02.04 (2:40 am) [edit] |
By C.J. Karamargin ARIZONA DAILY STAR President Bush's re-election campaign insisted on knowing the race of an Arizona Daily Star journalist assigned to photograph Vice President Dick Cheney. The Star refused to provide the information. Cheney is scheduled to appear at a rally this afternoon at the Pima County Fairgrounds. A rally organizer for the Bush-Cheney re-election campaign asked Teri Hayt, the Star's managing editor, to disclose the journalist's race on Friday. After Hayt refused, the organizer called back and said the journalist probably would be allowed to photograph the vice president. "It was such an outrageous request, I was personally insulted," Hayt said later. Danny Diaz, a spokesman for the president's re-election campaign, said the information was needed for security purposes. "All the information requested of staff, volunteers and participants for the event has been done so to ensure the safety of all those involved, including the vice president of the United States," he said. Diaz repeated that answer when asked if it is the practice of the White House to ask for racial information or if the photographer, Mamta Popat, was singled out because of her name. He referred those questions to the U.S. Secret Service, which did not respond to a call from the Star Friday afternoon. Hayt declined to speculate on whether Popat was racially profiled, but said she is deeply concerned. "One has to wonder what they were going to do with that information," Hayt said. "Because she has Indian ancestry, were they going to deny her access? I don't know." Journalists covering the president or vice president must undergo a background check and are required to provide their name, date of birth and Social Security number. The Star provided that information Thursday for Popat and this reporter. "That's all anybody has been asked to provide," said Hayt, adding that this is the first time in her 26-year career that a journalist's race was made an issue. Organizer Christine Walton asked for Popat's race in telephone conversations with two other Star editors before she spoke to Hayt. They also refused to provide the information. Walton told Hayt that Popat's race was necessary to allow the Secret Service to distinguish her from someone else who might have the same name. "It was a very lame excuse," Hayt said. Popat, a photographer with six years' experience, was on assignment Friday and unaware of the controversy. But she said she was glad the Star refused. "My race shouldn't have anything to do with my job," she said. Tickets are required for the public to attend the rally, which begins at 12:50 p.m. All tickets were distributed by Friday.
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| ......The Iraq death toll |
| 08.01.04 (7:15 pm) [edit] |
U.S. soldiers killed: 973
U.S. soldiers wounded: 4,682
Civilians dead: 11,252-13,213
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QUOTE:
Stupidity has a bad habit of getting its way. --"The Day After"
QUOTE: Because I do it with one small ship, I am called a terrorist. You do it with a whole fleet and are called an emperor.
– A pirate, from St. Augustine's "City of God"
QUOTE: War: A wretched debasement of all the pretenses of civilization.
– General Omar Bradley

I hope....that mankind will at length, as they call themselves responsible creatures, have the reason and sense enough to settle their differences without cutting throats...
– Benjamin Franklin
"There must be security for all, or no one is secure. Now this does not mean giving up any freedom, except the freedom to act irresponsibly."-- Klaatu, The Day The Earth Stood Still, 1951.
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