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"Those who are willing to give up freedom for a little safety deserve neither freedom nor safety." -Benjamin Franklin
"To announce that there must be no criticism of the president, or that we are to stand by the president right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and servile, but is morally treasonable to the American public." Theodore Roosevelt
digg links, for the techie:
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| ...The Politics of Retribution |
| 09.22.03 (7:39 pm) [edit] |
The Politics of Retribution
by Steve Earle
I live with a woman who hates television. She abhors the noise and the unnatural light that pollute the delicious, tranquil environment that she has painstakingly crafted for herself and her family; so I wasn't watching the news on the morning on September 11.
Then the phone rang. It was my dad.
"Have you seen this shit?"
I asked what he was talking about.
"This shit in New York. A plane just crashed into the World Trade Center."
I found the remote and hit the switch. Black, noxious smoke poured from a gaping whole in one of the Twin Towers. CNN was already reporting that witnesses said that the plane appeared to fly directly into the building under its own power. My dad, a retired air traffic controller and licensed pilot, was way ahead of them.
"No way this is an accident."
He meant that it was inconceivable to him that a crew of at least two professional pilots would allow a plane with several hundred passengers aboard to simply careen out of control and strike the tallest structure in the Manhattan skyline.
I wasn't so sure; or maybe I was in denial. Then the second plane hit and we both saw it. Hell, half the country saw it. We all watched in horror as the airliner practically stood on one wing, nearly missing the north tower. My dad said that whoever was flying it must have been "really wracking it" to make that final, fatal turn.
The news only got worse. There were unconfirmed reports of hijackings up and down the East Coast. By the time CNN reported that the Pentagon had been attacked as well, Dad and I weren't talking much. We kept the line open, if only to assure ourselves that the other was still there. When first one tower and then the other collapsed we watched in stunned silence. I can only imagine what was going through my dad's mind. Everything we had witnessed that morning flew in the face of everything he thought he knew about aviation, and for that matter, humanity. I remember vividly what was going through mine.
Thousands of people were dying while millions watched on television. I am certain that, for an instant, we were all connected and focused on the people in those three buildings and four airliners and their families. For me, the moment was fleeting and soon gave way to my own agenda, both personal and political. How will all of this affect me and mine?
I realized, of course, that we were at war. I have a draft-age son. I asked my dad to let me go and rang Justin's phone until he woke up. I told him to turn on the news and to stay in touch.
I have friends in New York. Were they all right? I made several calls, but of course the lines were all busy. It would be days before I knew the answer to that one.
The checklist was long. While I struggled to reconcile my every fundamental belief against a world that would never be the same, public officials began to weigh in on TV. I found their unity and tough talk unnerving somehow and oddly familiar. A vague uneasiness began to settle over me like a pall. I tried to be methodical and stay on task, but my mind was racing and looming ahead was the insistently gnawing realization that the country was in a mood for revenge, and that years of work by death penalty abolitionists all over the world, tough thankless work that was finally starting to bear fruit, had just gone up in smoke.
I oppose the death penalty for anyone, for any crime, regardless of circumstances, on both moral and political grounds. I've attended candlelight vigils outside prisons, gone to rallies on the steps of my state capitol, and camped out on the sidewalk in front of the U.S. Supreme Court. I've corresponded with several death row inmates over the years. I have crisscrossed the country, traveling with murder victims’ family members who oppose the death penalty; yeah, you read it right the first time. People who have lost a loved one to violent crime and who actively oppose the death penalty. They reject the idea that retribution is the remedy for their loss and their pain. They say "not in my name" when society at large (in this, and a handful of other countries) suggests that the taking of another life will afford them closure and healing. From these amazing people I learned the greatest lesson of my life as an activist: that no person or group of people will ever bring about fundamental change in the criminal justice system in this country by ignoring the pain and loss of crime victims and their families.
The human components of that system, the prosecutors who aspire to be district attorneys who aspire to be state attorney generals who aspire to be governors and presidents, have been aware of this dynamic for some time. They watch the polls and the polls tell them that the majority of us still support the death penalty. Obviously, victim's rights advocates and death penalty abolitionists, combined, comprise a tiny minority of the electorate. As passionate as activists on both sides of the issue can be, it isn't rhetoric that our leaders are responding to. Rather, it is our empathy. Ask the question, "What if it was your wife, your child, your mother, or father?" and you will elicit a nearly unanimous, emotional response. Thankfully, most of us will never lose a member of our families to violence, but we know that it's not impossible, and we hold a special place in our hearts for those that have been less fortunate than ourselves for we know that there, but for the grace of God, go we.
On September 11, we all became victims' family members. The scope of the tragedy was unprecedented in our history. Nearly three thousand lives were lost. Thousands more were widowed and tens of thousands were orphaned. Entire battalions of firefighters were wiped out, along with scores of police officers, ambulance drivers, and other first responders. Even they were innocent victims, just regular people going about their everyday lives. They all had hopes and dreams and aspirations. When they died their families became our families. Their loss and their pain became our loss and pain. We became them and they became us.
Loss alone is hard enough to process. Dealing with death and loss are at the core of virtually every spiritual system that has evolved on this planet. When death comes suddenly and cruelly, those left behind must deal with anger as well. Anger that, like a fever, is perfectly natural and must be allowed to run its course before any healing can commence. However, that selfsame anger is inherently toxic, and if allowed to smolder unabated, will exact a terrible toll in flesh and spirit.
The very concept of retribution as a healing force is, in my view, inherently faulty. Politicians embrace it only because they have learned that we will respond to it emotionally at the ballot box. My growing fear since September 11 is that they, sensing our anger, may be applying the same principle to the so-called "war on terror."
As we prepared to send American troops into the mountains of Afghanistan, no politician dared to object for fear of impaling his political ambitions on an olive branch in a decidedly warlike political climate. Only one, Congresswoman Barbara Lee of California, voted against an emergency defense spending measure that granted the Bush administration a virtual blank check to cover the costs of a protracted campaign in a theater of war that bankrupted the Soviet Union. Some of our most "liberal" legislators voted for the oddly titled Patriot Act, a sweeping suspension of many of the protections against unlawful search and seizure and invasion of privacy afforded us by our Constitution. They all knew that we were watching them and that we were hurt and frightened and that we would remember what they did and said in the name of the People come Election Day. For fully half of them, that day was a little over a year away and at the party level, the balance of power in both houses of Congress would be at stake. They tell us that extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures. They say that this war with no clear objective except, in the words of our president, "to get 'em," will protect us from violent people who would do us harm. They say the same thing about the death penalty. Never mind that there is no statistical evidence to support any claim that capital punishment deters violent crime. The truth is that when we are hurt and angry, just saying that we are going to go out and "get 'em" feels good. Then we're supposed to move past anger, to mourning, and then on to healing, but these are the more private stages of the grieving process, and a lot less easy to convert into political capital.
As far as the Constitution is concerned, it is my belief that it is crucial at this point in our history to remember that, like me, our attorney general has his own agenda. He's concerned about abortion, gay marriages, and evolution being taught in our schools. Of course, all that will have to wait. We are at war, after all, and that darn Constitution is always getting in the way. But, hey, if this war goes on long enough...who knows?
Taken from:
It's a Free Country: Personal Freedom in America After September 11
by Danny Goldberg (Editor), Victor Goldberg (Editor), Robert Greenwald (Editor)
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| ...it's a free country? hummm.... |
| 09.16.03 (5:33 pm) [edit] |
Introduction
by Danny Goldberg
Compared to those directly affected by the thousands of deaths on September 11, my family is lucky. We are lucky that although for weeks after the World Trade Center attack our Greenwich Village neighborhood smelled of acrid smoke when the wind blew north, we never had to abandon our home like our friends who lived further downtown in neighborhoods like TriBeCa. We are lucky that members of our family did not work in the World Trade Center--unlike the several people we know who died there.
We are lucky, but as I write this in June 2002, my kids still draw pictures of planes crashing into the World Trade Center, we still have the cheap plastic smoke masks that were suddenly on sale from street-corner vendors last fall, and from time to time my wife and I still wonder if New York City, the place in which we feel most at home, is really the right place to live.
I do not begrudge anyone their concerns about personal security.
But it's one thing to have passing emotions, fears, anger, and frustration, and entirely another to act on them without the filters of logic and history. Even more dangerous are government policies based on those emotions. Irrational emotions in the immediate aftermath of September 11 led a few misguided Americans to harass and in some instances brutalize non-Muslim brown-skinned immigrants such as Hindus and Sikhs, and to ostracize foreign-born Muslims who have no connection to or sympathy for terrorism, simply because of their religious beliefs. Acting on unfiltered emotions rather than balancing them with rationality has led to many of history's worst evils. This book is an attempt to create a rational and moral context in a difficult time.
The term "civil liberties" seems lacking in emotional reality, yet it represents civilization as Americans have come to cherish it, the balance that adds up to freedom as we know it.
Civil liberties transcend traditional left/right divisions. Because we wanted to get this collection out in time for the first anniversary of September 11, and because Victor Goldberg, Robert Greenwald, and I have spent our political lives most often on the left, there are a disproportionate number of lefties in this collection. We have tried to be vigilant in limiting their focus to civil liberties issues, but the after-effects of September 11 are so profound that some of our authors, especially those with an artistic bent such as Ani DiFranco and Michael Moore, took the civil liberties theme and migrated to a wider range of opinions that may offend some conservatives and pure civil libertarians. On the other hand, many of our friends on the left may be appalled that we included a conservative like Bill Clinton's nemesis, Representative Bob Barr, a Republican from Georgia.
Readers will also note that this volume includes a fair amount of repetition of key historical and legislative information pertaining to civil liberties in America; given that much of this information has not been widely reported in our history books or by today's news media, this repetition was unavoidable.
There are a thousand gradations of the trade-offs between security and freedom, and it is a big lie to pretend that there are two, and only two, choices. There are very few people who would consent to a law requiring everyone to walk through airport security devices in the nude, and there is almost no one who objects to walking through those same devices with their clothes on.
Even people who say they believe in torture to get information do not necessarily believe in the psychotic torture practiced by the worst governments. And even the most militant civil libertarian advocate of the broadest interpretation of the Bill of Rights believes that murderers should be arrested and prosecuted, and, if convicted, punished.
The issues discussed in this book are not bumper-sticker issues. But neither are they obscure. There is nothing obscure about being detained for weeks unable to talk to your family, or being fired from your job because of your political opinions. Meanwhile, there is no evidence that civil liberties protections helped cause the September 11 attack, nor any evidence that legislation, such as the more draconian aspects of the Patriot Act, would have helped prevent it.
The following are some security-enhancing measures that do not infringe upon civil liberties:
Prosecute people suspected of crimes under pre–Patriot Act law, which allows search warrants, surveillance (including wiretaps as long as a judge sees probable cause), arrests, limitations on bail (if the suspect can be proved dangerous), jail time up to life imprisonment, etc. These very tools have already created a prison population greater than any democratic nation in history.
Hire more police officers and give them special training to deal with terrorism.
Institute higher pay for security workers of all kinds. Since private business cannot generally afford this, such a plan would require government spending funded through--yes--taxes. The same polls that show people will give up "some" rights for security also show they will give up "some" taxes. More and better-paid security personnel, not only at airports but at train stations, on buses, in movie theaters, etc., would make us more safe.
Guard our borders with more soldiers, especially our porous northern border. Again, this is an economic issue, not a civil liberties issue, but surely it is better to know who is coming into the country.
The fact is, there are people in our body politic, and I think John Ashcroft is among them, who have always wanted more government authority and less personal freedom for ideological reasons having nothing to do with September 11. Such people have long advocated greater government and police powers and less personal freedom for Americans.
There has been no answer to Congressman Jerrold Nadler's haunting question on the floor of Congress during the debate on the Patriot Act: "If the sole purpose of the new powers granted to the FBI and other police agencies is to protect against terrorism . . . why weren't these powers limited to investigation of terrorism?"
I found a metaphor that spoke loudly to me in an article in the New York Times on February 27, 2002, about the official response in New Jersey to the 1999 murder of several high school students in Columbine, Colorado. Like the events of September 11, the school shooting and several others that preceded it created an understandable anxiety among parents and school officials, and government policies were changed to reduce the likelihood of such awful attacks occurring again. As a parent of school-age kids, I can easily relate to such concerns.
In this climate, many government and school officials who had long advocated clamp-downs on "difficult" kids were able to implement excessive policies that went far beyond protecting schools from violence. Instead of focusing solely on violent kids, such officials broadened their mandate to target all sorts of nonconformists, based on the kids' clothes, unorthodox political or religious views, or just smart-ass attitudes. The problem with clamping down on all smart-asses is that many of history's greatest figures were, as we know, at one time labeled "difficult."
One story that attracted my attention was about a fifteen-year-old boy named Michael Mallner from Livingston, New Jersey. In 1998, Michael and another boy were caught on a Saturday with a supposedly explosive device. The bomb squad was summoned. TV crews surrounded his house. Cops removed a computer from his room.
Prosecutors themselves later acknowledged that the boys weren't out to hurt anyone. The so-called bomb was a collection of relatively harmless objects, including M&Ms.
Instead of typical punishment--suspension, community service, probation--Michael was subject to onerous post-Columbine "zero tolerance" regulations. He spent six weeks at a juvenile center in Newark where he was attacked by other kids. He was expelled from school and a year later is still under house arrest, unable to go out except with permission from a parole agent, and then only with a parent. Michael wasn't able to attend his sister's bat mitzvah because he couldn't get approval in time--family outings are often denied. Michael is not allowed to use the Internet.
"If this had occurred ten years ago, none of this would have happened. The authorities can't see the difference between showing off, testing the boundaries--and killing people," Michael's dad Anton Mallner told the New York Times. As I read the story I reflected on my own teenage years during which I and many of my friends did things just as bad. What would our lives be like today if we'd been subjected to such draconian punishment?
What does any of this have to do with September 11? It demonstrates how genuine tragedy and danger can sometimes bring out unfair and irrational behavior from authorities. The threat of future terrorism is a thousand times scarier than that of future Columbines, and so is the possibility of overreaction-or idiotic reaction-in place of, or alongside genuinely needed enhanced security measures.
One of the encouraging aspects of American society in 2002 is the degree to which public opinion has internalized many civil liberties principals that only a few decades ago were considered esoteric. We want criminals arrested and punished but we believe that those accused of crimes have the right to remain silent, and have the right to an attorney. So far the public, and thus the government, have been much more cautious in infringing on individuals than during previous conflicts. This is cold comfort if you're a family member of the two thousand detainees. To sit in a jail cell without knowing what you're charged with, cut off from your family, unable to work, unsure of your future, is a Kafkaesque nightmare.
But government reaction has been nowhere near as bad as the Palmer Raids or Japanese internment or blacklisting/McCarthyism. Unfortunately, in this regard, Ashcroft's recent directive to "register" (i.e., fingerprint and photograph) 100,000 Middle Eastern men threatens to bring about a major historical setback. Ideas can seem flimsy and insubstantial when confronted with the pragmatic deadline of elections, or the power of armies or police, but ideas drive politics both in our country and around the world. The decades of steady, lonely work by civil libertarians, especially since the blacklisting years, has paid off in the currency of today's debate. Questions are asked about how we treat unpopular residents and citizens and those suspected of crimes that were not asked of those in authority in epochs past.
Let us do our part to further strengthen this vision of democracy that includes the rights for our worst enemies that we wish for ourselves.
Taken from:
It's a Free Country: Personal Freedom in America After September 11
by Danny Goldberg (Editor), Victor Goldberg (Editor), Robert Greenwald (Editor)
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| ....True Causation |
| 09.15.03 (6:14 pm) [edit] |
This is not to say that there isn’t too much violence on the box-both on entertainment programs and on newscasts that precede and follow them, which, as Steven Bochco, creator of "Hill Street Blues," "NYPD Blue," and other police shows has noted, contain more gore than anything the networks air during prime time. A study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association in 1997 found that even advertisements feature violence-and not only on programs whose content is violent. A child who watched a game of the World Series in 1996 was almost certain to see commercials that included shootings, stabbings, or other violence, the study documented.
Nor do I imagine that televised violence has no negative impact. I doubt, however, that incitement to commit real-world violence is either the most common or the most significant effect. George Gerbner, Dean-emeritus of the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania, is closer to the mark with what he calls "the mean-world syndrome." Watch enough brutality on TV and you come to believe you are living in a cruel and gloomy world in which you feel vulnerable and insecure. In his research over three decades Gerbner found that people who watch a lot of TV are more likely than others to believe their neighborhoods are unsafe, to assume that crime rates are rising, and to overestimate their own odds of becoming a victim. They also buy more locks, alarms, and-you guessed it-guns, in hopes of protecting themselves. "They may accept and even welcome," Gerbner reports, "repressive measures such as more jails, capital punishment, harsher sentences-measures that have never reduced crime but never fail to get votes-if that promises to relieve their anxieties. That is the deeper dilemma of violence-laden television."
Questions might be raised about whether Gerbner got the causal order right. (Does watching TV cause fear and conservatism, or is it that people prone to fear and conservatism watch more TV?) Yet it is striking how much resistance Gerbner encountered when he tried to report his research findings to the public. Frequently invited to speak on news programs and at governmental hearings where violence in the media is the topic, he finds himself ignored when he raises broader concerns. Appearing on ABC’s "Viewpoint" back in 1983, Gerbner was asked by the host, Ted Koppel, "Is there a direct causal relationship to violence in our society?" A few minutes later, in the course of interviewing another panelist on the program, Koppel summarized Gerbner’s response to that question as affirmative, there is a straightforward causal relationship between TV violence and real-life violence. Yet Gerbner’s actual response had asserted that the true causal relationship is "between exposure to violence and one’s feeling of where one belongs in the power structure-one’s feeling of vulnerability, one’s feeling of insecurity, one’s demand for protection."
Ample real-world evidence in support of Gerbner’s proposition can be found among the nation’s elderly, many of whom are so upset by all the murder and mayhem they see on their television screens that they are terrified to leave their homes. Some become so isolated, studies found, that they do not get enough exercise and their physical and mental health deteriorates. In the worst cases they actually suffer malnutrition as a consequence of media-induced fear of crime. Afraid to go out and buy groceries, they literally waste away in their homes. The pattern becomes self-perpetuating; the more time elderly people spend at home, the more TV they tend to watch, and the more fearful they grow.
All of which is regrettable because in actuality people over sixty-five are less likely than any other age group to become victims of violent crime-about sixteen times less likely than people under twenty-five, according to statistics from the Justice Department. The news media report these statistics on occasion, but more commonly they depict the elderly in the manner a Boston Globe article did, as "walking time bombs for crime, easy prey." They speciously tell their older readers, as did the Los Angeles Times, "that a violent encounter-one that a younger person could easily survive-may end lethally for them: A purse-snatching becomes a homicide when an old woman falls to the pavement and dies in the hospital; an old man is brutalized and dies when he loses his will to live; an elderly couple are unable to flee their home during an arson fire, dying in the flames."
Journalists further drive home this mistaken message through their coverage of crimes committed against famous older people. After Rosa Parks, the civil rights heroine, was beaten and robbed in her Detroit home in 1994 at the age of eighty-one, the Washington Post talked of "weak and elderly citizens living at the mercy of street thugs." Although violent crime against senior citizens had dropped by 60 percent in the previous twenty years, the Post went on to declare in an editorial, "What happened to Rosa Parks in Detroit is a common, modern-day outrage that quietly takes place across our land."
Immediately following the attack on Parks her neighbors had expressed concern that media hype would further stigmatize their neighborhood and city, and Parks herself urged reporters not to read too much into the event. Ignoring Parks’s own view that she had been assaulted by "a sick-minded person," reporters painted her assailant as "a self-involved brute" who "probably thought that as nice as all that civil rights stuff was, he was kicking the butt of just another now-useless old lady who was holding $50," as another Washington Post writer remarked.
To hear the news media tell it, America’s youth make a sport of victimizing old folks. USA Today, in a roundup article on crime against the elderly, told of Nathaniel Hurt, sixty-one, of Baltimore, who shot and killed a thirteen-year-old boy who had vandalized his property. Hurt said he had had enough of neighborhood teens taunting him. In their article USA Today neither depicted Hurt’s actions as vigilantism nor provided information about the boy Hurt murdered. Instead, the moral of the story came from Hurt’s lawyer: "Police don’t want to admit that elderly people in Baltimore can’t go out their door without fear."
Crimes Nouveaux: Granny Dumping
The elderly can trust no one, politicians and reporters suggest. Everyone, including those entrusted to care for them, and even their own flesh and blood, may be potential victimizers.
"The American College of Emergency Physicians estimates that 70,000 elderly Americans were abandoned last year by family members unable or unwilling to care for them or pay for their care," the New York Times reported in an editorial that followed a front-page story heralding a major new trend. "Granny dumping," as it was called, attracted media attention after an incident in Idaho in 1992. John Kingery, a wheelchair-bound eighty-two-year-old Alzheimer’s patient who suffered from incontinence, was abandoned at a dog-racing track by his middle-aged daughter. "John Kingery is no isolated case," said the Times editorial, which, along with other accounts in the media, attributed granny dumping to the strains adult children endure in trying to care for their ailing parents.
In point of fact, however, John Kingery was a relatively isolated case. When Leslie Bennetts, a freelance writer and former New York Times reporter, looked more closely at the Kingery story several weeks later she discovered that Kingery’s daughter had not been caring for her father in the first place; moreover, she had been stealing his pension and Social Security money. Bennetts also looked into how the Times had arrived at the alarming 70,000 figure and discovered it had not come from the American College of Emergency Physicians but rather from dubious extrapolations made by a Times reporter based on a casual, nonscientific survey that ACEP had conducted. Out of 900 emergency room doctors who had been sent a questionnaire only 169 responded, and they reported seeing an average of 8 abandoned elders per week. The Times reporter multiplied 8 by 52 weeks and then by 169 to produce the 70,000 statistic.
Even were this a reasonable way to come up with an incidence rate (which it is not), few actual incidents remotely resemble what happened to John Kingery. In the ACEP survey the definition of granny dumping was very broad: a woman who lived by herself and checked into an emergency room for help qualified. "Moreover," writes Bennetts in a debunking piece in the Columbia Journalism Review, "even a cursory check of emergency physicians reveals that the most common ‘parent-dumping’ problem is quite temporary, not the kind of permanent abandonment implied by the Times." A typical dumping incident consists of caretakers who put an old person in the hospital over a weekend so they can rest up for a couple of days.
Like Halloween sadism, workplace violence, gay-pedophile mass murder, and so many other crimes nouveaux, granny dumping was considerably less common, sensational, or pressing than the media made out. Like other scares about maltreatment of the elderly, the granny dumping scare played off the younger generations’ guilt while letting the individual reader or viewer off the hook by focusing on particularly evil people.
Even in coverage of the sorry state of many of the nation’s nursing homes the root problems of lack of funding and inadequate oversight disappear amid overdrawn images of evil caretakers. "We found them coast to coast in the best of places. Thugs, rapists, suspected thieves," blares the announcer at the beginning of an edition of ABC’s "20/20". "We caught them red-handed rifling through drawers in nursing homes, pocketing valuables and, worst of all, abusing your elderly loved ones." The story, which takes up most of the broadcast, relays incident upon incident of nursing home aides with lengthy criminal records who allegedly robbed and mistreated residents. "Most nursing home owners are not a bit careful about who they hire," someone identified as a former nursing home inspector says, and ABC correspondent Catherine Crier tells of patients being raped and beaten.
Only in passing does Crier note that the pay nursing home aides receive "is notoriously low" for a job that is "difficult and often unpleasant." Nor does the report deal with problems that, unlike rape and other forms of assault, occur on a regular basis in American nursing homes. (According to some reports, 40 percent of nursing home residents suffer from malnutrition, to take one urgent example.)
No, as Crier herself says at the very beginning of her report, "This is not a story about bad conditions in nursing homes, it’s about bad people who end up working there." It is, in other words, another in the endless cache of stories about villains and victims, stories in which real people in their real complexity and the real dangers they and the larger society face can be glimpsed only in the shadows.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Stealth Weapons |
| 09.14.03 (5:51 pm) [edit] |
One media commentator did provide an astute assessment of Thomas Hamilton and the search for deeper meaning that his butchery provoked. "We seem to think a monstrous effect must arise from a monstrous cause. But not much evidence turned up to make the eruption possible," suggested Lance Morrow in an essay in Time magazine. To depict Hamilton’s abominable act as a "pedophiliac-itch-gone-vi olent" was, Morrow wrote, "inadequate, trivializing...almost sacrilegious in its asymmetry." In point of fact no one knows why Thomas Hamilton snapped. The headmaster at the school where the shooting occurred got it right when he said, shortly after the slaughter, "We don’t understand it and I don’t think we ever will."
Which is not to say that these deaths are inexplicable. Actually, four causes of the bloodbath in Dunblane can readily be identified. That the American news media barely managed to mention them is shameful. They were at once the most proximate and the most verifiable factors in the children’s death.
I refer to the two revolvers and two semiautomatic pistols Hamilton used to carry out the carnage. Without his guns Hamilton never would have been able to slay so many people. More rigorous enforcement of Britain’s gun licensing laws unquestionably had been warranted in Hamilton’s case. At the local gun clubs Hamilton had a reputation for being unstable, and he was refused membership by one of the clubs five weeks before the killings. And several years before the bloodbath at the school, when a mother accused him of molesting some boys, Hamilton reportedly threatened her with a gun.
Yet many American reporters brushed all this aside. "There were demands for even tougher gun laws in a country where gun homicides are about as common as water buffalo," Newsweek brusquely remarked. "In the days after the bloodletting, there were the predictable calls to toughen the country’s gun control laws even further," said People.
Some of the European press, however, got the point. An editorial in the British newspaper the Daily Mail asked the question that by rights should have been at the heart of all of the news media’s coverage of the Dunblane massacre: "Why should any private individual be legally allowed to own hand guns that can cause such carnage?" Their answer: "Whatever gun club apologists and sporting enthusiasts may say, there was nothing sporting about the caliber of the weapons which Hamilton was licensed to hoard in his own home. These were not small bore pistols for target practice. They were not suitable for shooting game birds. They are the macho tools of the killer’s trade."
Some American reporters and editors have swallowed so much baloney fed to them by the gun lobby they cough up explanations for gun deaths that credit everything except guns. They even blame their own industry. A columnist in Newsweek wrote of the Dunblane massacre, "Onanistic solitude, lived out in a fantasy world ruled by terror and thrilled by incessant gunfire, poses a lethal combination. Media moguls, enriched by promoting these fantasies, deny any blame for society’s degradation. They are only giving society what it demands, they say."
Blame It on the Tube
In other words, it is the guns on TV that cause people to die in real life. Numerous American journalists, including some of the most intelligent among them, have actively endorsed the dizzy proposition that television creates "a reality of its own that may crowd out our real reality," as Daniel Schorr, a network news correspondent for twenty-nine years before he moved to National Public Radio, put it. In an essay in the Christian Science Monitor Schorr gave as a case example John Hinckley, who "spent many hours alone in a room with a TV set, retreating into a world of fantasy violence" before his attempted assassination of President Ronald Reagan. Interviewed by the Secret Service after the shooting, his first question was, "Is it on TV?" Schorr also rehearsed familiar statistics about the average eighteen-year-old having witnessed 200,000 acts of violence, including 40,000 murders, on the tube. At these levels of exposure, Schorr contended, young people "no longer know the difference between the bang-bang they grow up with on the television screen and the bang-bang that snuffs out real lives."
He may be right, but some of the historical antecedents of this line of reasoning are worth noting. During the golden age of radio scholars produced studies showing that listening impaired young people’s capacity to distinguish reality from fantasy. And centuries earlier Plato cautioned against those who would tell stories to youngsters. "Children cannot distinguish between what is allegory and what isn’t," says Socrates in Plato’s Republic, "and opinions formed at that age are difficult to change."
That society survived both the radio and the scroll should be of some reassurance. So should a recent study from UCLA’s Center for Communication Policy, which carefully analyzed 3,000 hours of TV programming on the major networks in the mid-1990s. The study found that a large proportion of the most sinister and decontextualized acts of violence on TV appear in cartoon shows such as "Batman and Robin" and on goofy prime-time programs such as "America’s Funniest Home Videos," neither of which is likely to be confused with real life. By contrast, some of the most homicidal shows, such as "NYPD Blue" and "Homicide," portrayed violence as horribly painful and destructive and not to be treated lightly.
In a discerning op-ed piece in the New York Times author Patrick Cooke made a parallel observation: If young Americans have seen tens of thousands of murders on TV, surely, he commented, they have seen even more acts of kindness. On sitcoms, romantic comedies, movies of the week, soaps, medical dramas, and even on police shows, people are constantly falling in love and helping each other out. The characters on most prime-time shows "share so much peace, tolerance and understanding that you might even call it gratuitous harmony," Cooke observes. Why not conclude, he asks, that TV encourages niceness at least as much as it encourages violence?
Yet social scientists who study relationships between TV violence and real-world violence, and whose research journalists, politicians, and activists cite in fear mongering about crime on TV, do not make niceness one of their outcome measures. They also neglect to pursue some important cross-cultural comparisons.
Some of the most seemingly persuasive studies relate what people watched as children to how aggressive or violent they are as adults. A heavy diet of TV brutality early in life correlates with violent behavior later on, the researchers demonstrate. Whether these correlations truly prove that TV violence provokes actual violence has been questioned, however, by social scientists who propose as a counterhypothesis that people already predisposed to violence are particularly attracted to violent TV programs. Equally important, when researchers outside the United States try to replicate these studies they come up empty-handed. Researchers in several countries find no relationship between adults’ levels of violence and the amount of TV violence they watched as kids.
One widely quoted researcher who has made cross-national comparisons is Brandon Centerwall, a professor of psychiatry at the University of Washington, who has estimated that there would be 10,000 fewer murders each year in the United States and 700,000 fewer assaults had TV never been invented. Centerwall based these numbers on an analysis of crime rates before and after the introduction of television in particular towns in Canada and South Africa. But what about present-time comparisons? David Horowitz, head of the Center for the Study of Popular Culture, a conservative advocacy organization, correctly points out that viewers in Detroit, Michigan, see the same TV shows as viewers in Windsor, Ontario, just across the river. Yet the murder rate in Detroit has been thirty times that in Windsor.
TV shows do not kill or maim people. Guns do. It is the unregulated possession of guns, more than any other factor, that accounts for the disparity in fatality rates from violent crime in the United States compared to most of the world. The inadequate control of guns often accounts for the loss of life in dramatic crime incidents outside the United States as well-the massacre in Dunblane, Scotland, being a case in point. A difference between there and here, however, is that they accept the point and act on it. After the Dunblane tragedy the House of Commons strengthened Britain’s already ardent gun laws by outlawing all handguns larger than .22 caliber.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Raw Numbers and Pedophile Priests |
| 09.12.03 (4:54 pm) [edit] |
The news media have misled public consciousness all the more through their voracious coverage of pedophiles in another place that many Americans privately distrust and consider mysterious-the Catholic Church.
John Dreese, a priest of the diocese of Columbus, Ohio, justifiably complained that a generation of Catholic clergy find their "lifetimes of service, fairly faithful for the great majority, are now tarnished and besmirched by the constant drone of the TV reporting." Writing in Commonweal, the independently published Catholic magazine, Dreese acknowledged that some of his fellow priests abuse children, and he decried the bishops who let them get away with it. But the media, Dreese argues, "seem more and more ideological. ‘Roman Catholic priest’ or ‘Father’ are consistently used in their reporting. Rarely is the generic term of minister or simply, priest, used. Shots of the inside of a Roman Catholic church, of angelic altar boys in cassocks and surplices, and first communicants dressed in pure white dramatically highlight the bold betrayal of this crime."
Asks Dreese, "Is this responsible reporting, is it sensationalism, or is it Catholic bashing?" It is a question that warrants serious consideration by reporters and editors who have been much too accepting of evidence of "epidemics" of priestly pedophilia. The media paid considerable attention, for example, to pronouncements from Andrew M. Greeley, a priest best known as the author of best-selling potboilers, including Fall from Grace, a 1993 novel about a priest who rapes preadolescent boys. Although Greeley holds a professorship in the social sciences at the University of Chicago, his statements on pedophiles in the priesthood oddly conflict with one another and with principles of statistical reasoning to which he subscribes in other contexts. "If Catholic clerics feel that charges of pedophilia have created an open season on them," he wrote in an op-ed piece in the New York Times, "they have only themselves to blame. By their own inaction and indifference they have created an open season on children for the few sexual predators among them." Yet in a Jesuit magazine Greeley declared that the number of pedophile priests is far more than just a "few". There he estimated that 2,000 to 4,000 Roman Catholic clergy-between 4 and 8 percent of the total-had abused more than 100,000 young people.
These shocking statistics, dutifully publicized in the press, were unreliable to say the least. Greeley extrapolated the number of pedophile priests based on rough estimates from the Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, which based them on their own internal study, which may or may not have been accurate, and in any event, might not have generalized to clergy nationwide. As for the figure of 100,000 victims, Greeley came up with this estimate on the basis of studies of child molesters outside the priesthood that suggest that active pedophiles victimize dozens if not hundreds of children each. Yet these studies are themselves controversial because they rely on self-reports from men who were apprehended by the police-men who might molest more children than other pedophiles or exaggerate their exploits.
Greeley’s critics suggest he exaggerated the number of pedophiles and victims by something like a factor of ten. But whatever the true incidence, the amount of ink and airtime devoted to pedophile priests clearly has created a climate in which, on the one hand, the church has reason to disavow true claims, and on the other, con artists have leverage to bring false claims. Attorneys who specialize in bringing suits against the church and have collected multimillion dollar settlements say they see large numbers of false claims.
The political essayist Walter Russell Mead pointed out a more subtle disservice of the media’s focus. In reporting on perverted priests journalists presumably believe they are raising a larger issue about the moral collapse of one of humankind’s oldest and most influential spiritual institutions. As Mead points out, however, obsessive attention to pedophile priests obscures more far-reaching problems of the church. He cites in particular corruption in political parties the church has supported in Europe, and a loss of membership in various parts of the world. These trends are considerably more difficult for the press to cover, especially in a manner that audiences will find interesting. Yet they are far more pertinent indicators of the decline and corruption of the church than are pedophile priests. "After all, the church does not teach that its clergy are saints-just the opposite," notes Mead. "Sin is with us every day, says the Catholic Church, and it deliberately teaches that the efficacy of its sacraments and the accuracy of its teachings are independent of the moral failings of its bishops and priests. From a certain point of view, the sex scandals don’t so much disprove the Christian faith as confirm our need for it."
Strange and Sinister Men
In my review of news stories about crimes against children I have been struck by the frequency with which journalists draw unsubstantiated conclusions about the pedophilic tendencies of individuals and whole classes of people.
When a man named Thomas Hamilton gunned down sixteen elementary school children, their teacher, and himself in tiny Dunblane, Scotland, in March 1996, the event took center stage in the American news media, much of which portrayed Hamilton as one in a large but nearly invisible breed of child predators, any of whom might, without warning, go out and massacre children. "The villain, all too predictably, was an embittered loner and suspected pedophile," wrote Newsweek. "He was," a columnist for the magazine said in an accompanying piece, "a slightly elderly, crazed version of the social category that now menaces our societies more than any other: the single male who has no hope."
The columnist offered up no evidence in support of this slur against solitary bachelors. He would be hard pressed to do so, in particular with regard to the danger they pose to women and children. Married men, having greater access to these groups, commit the lion’s share of violence against them. The pedophile connection is also tenuous. Child murderers may be suspected pedophiles, but only a small number are confirmed or confessed pedophiles. In the case of Thomas Hamilton, most major news outlets hinted at his pedophilia or quoted townspeople who asserted it outright, but on the basis of blatantly weak evidence. As a Reuters news agency story noted, "What really bothered people were the pictures, often showing boys stripped to the waist for physical activity-nothing sinister in that, but unsettling, neighbors and acquaintances said."
Reuters’s story on Hamilton was more balanced than many. Other print and broadcast journalists let audiences make what they would of the fact that Hamilton had been kicked out of his post as a scout leader for "inappropriate behavior." Reuters disclosed that, according to the scouting association itself, he had been sacked not for child molesting but for incompetence.
Another interesting fact came out in People magazine. Although People’s reporters made much of Hamilton’s "penchant for photographing boys bare-chested," they let it be known that when town officials shut down a boys’ club Hamilton had started, seventy parents and forty-five boys signed a petition saying he had great talent and integrity. "We are all proud to have Mr. Hamilton in charge of our boys," the petition declared. Hamilton himself, in a letter he sent to the news media just before his killing spree, professed he was "not a pervert" and insinuated that it was whispers to the contrary around Dunblane that had driven him to his heinous act.
Still, in their stories about him some journalists were no better than the small-town gossips. They rekindled age-old prejudices linking homosexuality and pedophilia. Newsweek ran a sidebar titled "Strange and Sinister," which consisted of a photograph of Hamilton standing beside a boy (fully clothed) and allegations that he was a pedophile who had been caught by police "in a gay red-light district" in Edinburgh "in a compromising position."
Homophobia is a recurring element in journalists’ coverage of mass murderers. Research by Philip Jenkins, a professor of history and religious studies at Penn State University, shows that the media routinely emphasize the supposed homosexuality and pedophilia of men who commit multiple murders. News stories over the past quarter century about Randy Kraft, Westley Alan Dodd, John Wayne Gacy, Jeffrey Dahmer, and assorted other killers included phrases like "homosexual homicide horror" and "homosexual sadist." As Jenkins notes, "Emphasizing that such individuals were gay serial killers tended to confound homosexuals with pedophiles and to support contemporary claims that homosexuality represented a physical and moral threat to children."
Studies of pedophiles solidly refute such claims, of course. One recent study published in the medical journal Pediatrics indicates that a child is about a hundred times more likely to be molested by the heterosexual partner of a close relative than by a homosexual. Other research finds that many of the men who molest children not only are not gay, they despise gays. In failing to make note of such research in articles where they represent men like Thomas Hamilton as gay pedophiles, journalists do more than misguide those who read or watch their reports; they feed right-wing groups with material that is then used in interviews with the press and in membership solicitations as evidence that gays "seduce our children," as Lou Sheldon put it in a solicitation mailing for his Traditional Values Coalition.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| Kiddie Porn and Cyberpredators |
| 09.09.03 (5:19 pm) [edit] |
The Halloween tales were forerunners of what grew into a media staple of the last quarter of the twentieth century: crime stories in which innocent children fall victim to seemingly innocuous adults who are really perverts. The villains take several familiar forms, two of the more common being the child pornographer and his or her pedophile customers.
A report on NBC News in 1977 let it be known that "as many as two million American youngsters are involved in the fast-growing, multi-million dollar child-pornography business"-a statement that subsequent research by criminologists and law enforcement authorities determined to be wrong on every count. Kiddie porn probably grossed less than $1 million a year (in contrast to the multibillion dollar adult industry), and hundreds, not millions, of American children were involved. Once again, facts were beside the point. The child pornographer represented, as columnist Ellen Goodman observed at the time, an "unequivocal villain" whom reporters and readers found "refreshingly uncomplicated." Unlike other pornographers, whose exploits raise tricky First Amendment issues, child pornographers made for good, simple, attention-grabbing copy.
A conspicuous subtext in coverage during the late 1970s and 1980s was adult guilt and anxiety about the increasing tendency to turn over more of children’s care to strangers. Raymond Buckey and Peggy Buckey McMartin, proprietors of the McMartin Preschool in Manhattan Beach, California, were the most famous alleged child pornographers of the era. Their prosecution in the mid-1980s attracted a level of media hoopla unsurpassed until O. J. Simpson’s double-murder trial nearly a decade later, and from the start they were depicted as pedophiles and child pornographers. The local TV news reporter who first broke the McMartin story declared in his initial report that children had been "made to appear in pornographic films while in the preschool’s care." The media later quoted officials from the district attorney’s office, making statements about "millions of child pornography photographs and films" at the school.
Not a single pornographic photograph taken at the McMartin School has ever been produced, despite handsome offers of reward money and vast international police investigations. Yet thanks to the media coverage, when social scientists from Duke University conducted a survey in 1986, four out of five people said they believed that Raymond Buckey was part of a child pornography ring.
In more recent years child pornographers and pedophiles have come in handy for fear mongering about the latest variety of baby-sitter: the Internet. In the 1990s politicians and the news media have made much of the existence of pedophilia in cyberspace. Speaking in 1998 on behalf of legislation he drafted that makes it easier to convict "cyberpredators" and imprison them longer, Representative Bill McCollum of Florida made the customary claim: "Sex offenders who prey on children no longer need to hang out in parks or malls or school yards." Nowadays, warned McCollum, child pornographers and pedophiles are just "a mouse click away" from their young prey.
This time the panic did not rely so much on suspicious statistics as on peculiar logic. With few cases of youngsters having been photographed or attacked by people who located them on-line, fear mongers found it more convenient simply to presume that "as the number of children who use the Internet continues to boom . . . pornography and pedophilia grow along with it" (New York Times). Reporters portrayed the inhabitants of cyberspace, children and adults alike, in somewhat contradictory ways. About the kids they said, on the one hand, "Internet-savvy children can also easily access on-line pornography" (New York Times). On the other hand, reporters depicted computer-proficient kids as precisely the opposite of savvy. They described them as defenseless against pedophiles and child pornographers in cyberspace. "Depraved people are reaching right into your home and touching your child," Hugh Downs told viewers of ABC’s "20/20."
To judge from reports by some of the people featured in news reports, cyberspace was largely devoid of other adults who could protect children from these creeps. The Internet is "a city with no cops," the New York Times quoted a district attorney from Suffolk County, even though law enforcement officials actually do a great deal of lurking and entrapping. Since 1993 the FBI has conducted an operation codenamed "Innocent Images" in which agents assume false identities and post seductive messages on the Internet and on-line services. In one of the more highly publicized busts that resulted from the operation, a thirty-one-year-old Washington, D.C., attorney was arrested when he showed up at a shopping mall to meet a fourteen-year-old girl whom he had propositioned on-line for sex. In reality he had been corresponding with an adult FBI agent who had assumed a provocative on-line name-"One4fun4u"-and had sent the man messages stating that she’d had experience with an older man and "it was a lot of fun." In another arrest, a fifty-eight-year-old man was snagged by agents who used the names "Horny15bi" and "Sexcollctr" and described themselves on-line as "dreaming of kinky sex." One of them gave as her motto, "vice is nice but incest is best."
Cyberspace has been policed by other adults as well. Reporters for newspapers and television stations, posing as young teens or preteens, have responded to solicitations for sex, only to arrive at the agreed-on meeting place with cameras and cops in tow. Groups with names like "Cyber Angels" and "Safeguarding Our Children" collect information on pedophiles via e-mail from children who say they have been approached or molested. Members of adult vigilante groups make it a practice to disrupt Internet chat rooms where child pornography is traded and pass along information to police.
While judicial experts continue to debate which of these intervention strategies constitute entrapment or invasion of privacy, there is an extralegal question as well. David L. Sobel, an attorney with the Electronic Privacy Information Center, framed the question succinctly. "Are we making the world a better place," he asked rhetorically, "by tempting some of these people to commit crimes they may not have otherwise committed?"
Subtract from the battery of accounts in news stories all instances where the "children" lured out of cyberspace were actually undercover adults, and what remains? Several of the most widely covered incidents involving real children turn out to be considerably more ambiguous than they seem on first hearing. Take for instance the murder of eleven-year-old Eddie Werner in a suburb in New Jersey in 1997. Defined in the media as the work of a "Cyber Psycho" (New York Post headline) and proof that the Internet is, as an advocacy group put it, "a playground for pedophiles," the killing actually bore only a tertiary connection to the Net. Eddie Werner had not been lured on-line. He was killed while selling holiday items door to door for the local PTA. Reporters and activists made the link to the Internet by way of Werner’s killer, Sam Manzie, a fifteen-year-old who had been having sex in motel rooms throughout the previous year with a middle-aged man he had met in a chat room.
In an essay critical of the reporting about the Werner murder Newsweek writer Steven Levy correctly pointed out: "Cyberspace may not be totally benign, but in some respects it has it all over the often overrated real world. After all, one could argue, if young Eddie Werner had been selling his candy and gift-wrapping paper on the Internet, and not door to door, tragedy might not have struck."
In that same vein, consider a suspenseful yarn that took up much of the space in a front-page piece in the Los Angeles Times entitled "Youngsters Falling Prey to Seducers in Computer Web Crime." It was about a fifteen-year-old whose parents found him missing. Using the boy’s America Online account, they discovered that he had been sent a bus ticket to visit a man with whom he had communicated by e-mail. The parents frantically sent messages of their own to the man. "Daniel is a virgin," one of the parents’ outgoing messages said. "Oh, no, he’s not," came back the chilling reply. Yet when the reporter gets to the conclusion of Daniel’s saga it’s something of an anticlimax. The teenager returned home and informed his parents he had not been harmed by his e-mail companion, who was only a little older than Daniel himself. Nonetheless, the moral of Daniel’s story was, according to the Los Angeles Times reporter: "Such are the frightening new frontiers of cyberspace, a place where the child thought safely tucked away in his or her own room may be in greater danger than anyone could imagine."
Now there’s a misleading message. For those children most at risk of sexual abuse, to be left alone in their rooms with a computer would be a godsend. It is poor children-few of whom have America Online connections-who are disproportionately abused, and it is in children’s own homes and those of close relatives that sexual abuse commonly occurs. In focusing on creeps in cyberspace, reporters neatly skirt these vital facts and the discomforting issues they raise.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Unhappy Halloween |
| 09.06.03 (7:45 am) [edit] |
Workplace violence was not the first false crime crisis used by journalists as a roundabout way to talk about other matters they found difficult to address directly. Even the New York Times has been known to engage in the practice.
"Those Halloween goodies that children collect this weekend on their rounds of ‘trick or treating’ may bring them more horror than happiness," began a story in the Times in October 1970 that launched a long-running crime panic. "Take, for example," the reporter continued, "that plump red apple that Junior gets from a kindly old woman down the block. It may have a razor blade hidden inside. The chocolate ‘candy’ bar may be a laxative, the bubble gum may be sprinkled with lye, the popcorn balls may be coated with camphor, the candy may turn out to be packets containing sleeping pills."
Similar articles followed in the nation’s news media every autumn for years to come. In 1975 Newsweek reported in its edition that hit newsstands at the end of October, "If this year’s Halloween follows form, a few children will return home with something more than an upset tummy: in recent years, several children have died and hundreds have narrowly escaped injury from razor blades, sewing needles and shards of glass purposefully put into their goodies by adults."
In her columns of the mid- and late 1980s even "Dear Abby" was reminding parents around trick-or-treat time that "somebody’s child will become violently ill or die after eating poisoned candy or an apple containing a razor blade." An ABC News/Washington Post poll in 1985 showed that 60 percent of parents feared their kids could become victims.
This time no journalist stepped forward to correct the media’s and public’s collective fantasy, even though, as Jan Harold Brunvand, the folklorist and author observed, "it’s hard to imagine how someone could shove a blade into a fruit without injuring himself. And wouldn’t the damage done to the apple by such a process make it obvious that something was wrong with it?"
The myth of Halloween bogeymen and bogeywomen might never have been exposed had not a sociologist named Joel Best become sufficiently leery that he undertook an examination of every reported incident since 1958. Best, currently a professor at the University of Southern Illinois, established in a scholarly article in 1985 that there has not been a single death or serious injury. He uncovered a few incidents where children received minor cuts from sharp objects in their candy bags, but the vast majority of reports turned out to be old-fashioned hoaxes, sometimes enacted by young pranksters, other times by parents hoping to make money in lawsuits or insurance scams.
Ironically, in the only two known cases where children apparently did die from poisoned Halloween candy, the myth of the anonymous, sadistic stranger was used to cover up the real crime. In the first incident family members sprinkled heroin on a five-year-old’s Halloween candy in hopes of fooling the police about the cause of the child’s death. Actually, the boy had found and eaten heroin in his uncle’s home. In the second incident a boy died after eating cyanide-poisoned candy on Halloween, but police determined that his father had spiked the candy to collect insurance money. Bill Ellis, a professor of English at Penn State University, has commented that both of these incidents, reported in the press at first as stranger murders, "reinforced the moral of having parents examine treats-ironically, because in both cases family members were responsible for the children’s deaths!"
Yet if anonymous Halloween sadists were fictitious creatures, they were useful diversions from some truly frightening realities, such as the fact that far more children are seriously injured and killed by family members than by strangers. Halloween sadists also served in news stories as evidence that particular social trends were having ill effects on the populace. A psychiatrist quoted in the New York Times article held that Halloween sadism was a by-product of "the permissiveness in today’s society." The candy poisoner him- or herself was not directly to blame, the doctor suggested. The real villains were elsewhere. "The people who give harmful treats to children see criminals and students in campus riots getting away with things," the Times quoted him, "so they think they can get away with it, too."
In many of these articles the choice of hero also suggests that other social issues are surreptitiously being discussed. At a time when divorce rates were high and rising, and women were leaving home in great numbers to take jobs, news stories heralded women who represented the antithesis of those trends-full-time housewives and employed moms who returned early from work to throw safe trick-or-treat parties for their children and their children’s friends in their homes or churches, or simply to escort their kids on their rounds and inspect the treats.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Oops, Wrong Crisis |
| 09.05.03 (5:59 pm) [edit] |
If the news media merely got the facts wrong about an occasional homicide, that would be no big deal. But the significance they attach to many of the homicides and other violent crimes they choose to spotlight is another matter. The streets of America are not more dangerous than a war zone, and the media should not convey that they are.
Some places journalists have declared crime ridden are actually quite safe. Consider an article Time magazine ran in April 1994 headlined across the top of two pages: "Not a month goes by without an outburst of violence in the workplace-now even in flower nurseries, pizza parlors and law offices." One of literally thousands of stories published and broadcast on what was dubbed "the epidemic of workplace violence," Time’s article presented a smorgasbord of grisly photographs and vignettes of unsuspecting workers and managers brutally attacked by their coworkers or employees. "Even Americans who see a potential for violence almost everywhere like to suppose there are a few sanctuaries left. One is a desk, or a spot behind the counter, or a place on the assembly line," the writer sighed.
More than five hundred stories about workplace violence appeared in newspapers alone just during 1994 and 1995, and many included some seriously scary statistics: 2.2 million people attacked on the job each year, murder the leading cause of work-related death for women, the number-three cause for men. "How can you be sure," asked a reporter for the St. Petersburg Times, "the person sitting next to you at work won’t go over the edge and bring an Uzi to the office tomorrow?" Her answer was, "You can’t."
At least one journalist, however, grew leery of his colleagues’ fear mongering. Erik Larson, a staff reporter for the Wall Street Journal, having come upon the same numbers quoted time and again, decided to take a closer look. The result was an exposé in the Journal titled "A False Crisis," in which Larson revealed how the news media had created an epidemic where none existed. Of about 121 million working people, about 1,000 are murdered on the job each year, a rate of just 1 in 114,000. Police, security guards, taxi drivers, and other particularly vulnerable workers account for a large portion of these deaths. Cab drivers, for instance, suffer an occupational homicide rate twenty-one times the national average. On the flip side of that coin, people in certain other occupations face conspicuously low levels of risk. The murder rate for doctors, engineers, and other professionals is about 1 in 457,000, Larson determined.
Another vocational group with relatively low rates, it turns out, is postal workers. The expression "going postal" became part of the American vernacular after some particularly bloody assaults by U.S. Postal Service employees against their supervisors. Yet postal employees are actually about two and a half times less likely than the average worker to be killed on the job.
All in all fewer than one in twenty homicides occurs at a workplace. And while most of the media hoopla has been about disgruntled workers killing one another or their bosses-the Uzi-toting fellow at the next desk-few workplace murders are actually carried out by coworkers or ex-workers. About 90 percent of murders at workplaces are committed by outsiders who come to rob. The odds of being killed by someone you work with or employ are less than 1 in 2 million; you are several times more likely to be hit by lightning.
Larson deconstructed as well the survey that produced the relentlessly reproduced statistic of 2.2 million people assaulted at work each year. Most of the reported attacks were fairly minor and did not involve weapons, and once again, the great majority were committed by outsiders, not by coworkers, ex-employees, or bosses. What is more, the survey from which the number comes would not pass muster among social scientists, Larson points out. The response rate is too low. Fewer than half of the people contacted responded to the survey, making it likely that those who participated were not typical of employed Americans as a whole.
Given that workplace violence is far from pandemic, why were journalists so inclined to write about it? Perhaps because workplace violence is a way of talking about the precariousness of employment without directly confronting what primarily put workers at risk-the endless waves of corporate layoffs that began in the early 1980s. Stories about workplace violence routinely made mention of corporate downsizing as one potential cause, but they did not treat mass corporate firing as a social ill in its own right. To have done so would have proven difficult for many journalists. For one thing, whom would they have cast as the villain of the piece? Is the CEO who receives a multimillion dollar raise for firing tens of thousands of employees truly evil? Or is he merely making his company more competitive in the global economy? And how would a journalist’s boss-or boss’s boss at the media conglomerate that owns the newspaper or network-feel about publishing implicit criticism of something they themselves have done? Pink slips arrived with regularity in newsrooms like everywhere else in corporate America in recent years, and they didn’t exactly inspire reporters to do investigative pieces about downsizing.
To its great credit, the New York Times did eventually run an excellent series of articles on downsizing in 1996. In one of the articles the authors noted off-handedly and without pursuing the point that about 50 percent more people are laid off each year than are victims of crime. It is an important comparison. From 1980 through 1995 more than 42 million jobs were eliminated in the United States. The number of jobs lost per year more than doubled over that time, from about 1.5 million in 1980 to 3.25 million in 1995. By comparison, during that same period most crime rates-including those for violent crimes-declined. A working person was roughly four to five times more likely to be the victim of a layoff in any given year than to be the victim of a violent crime committed by a stranger.
For many, job loss is every bit as disabling and demoralizing as being the victim of a crime. You can lose your home, your health insurance, your self-esteem, your sense of security, and your willingness to report harassment or hazardous working conditions at your next place of employment. During the economic boom of the late 1990s layoffs occurred at an even higher rate than in the 1980s. In what former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich dubbed "down-waging" and "down-benefiting," highly profitable companies replaced full-time workers with part-timers, temps, and lower-paid full-timers, and they subcontracted work to firms that paid lower wages and provided poorer benefits. Yet throughout the past two decades the news media printed and broadcast exponentially more stories about crime. In the early and mid-1990s 20 to 30 percent of news items in city newspapers concerned crime, and close to half of the news coverage on local television newscasts was about crime.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ....Crime in the News: Tall Tales and Overstated Statistics |
| 09.04.03 (7:12 pm) [edit] |
If the mystery about baseless scares is how they are sold to a public that has real dangers to worry about, in the case of more defensible fears the question is somewhat different. We ought to have concerns about crime, drug addiction, child abuse, and other afflictions to be discussed. The question is, how have we gotten so mixed up about the true nature and extent of these problems?
In no small measure the answer lies in stories like one that broke on March 19, 1991. If you read a newspaper or turned on a TV or radio newscast that day or the several days thereafter you were told that the streets of America were more dangerous than a war zone.
The press had been provoked to make this extreme assertion not by a rise in violent crime but by a dramatic event. The Gulf War had just ended, and a soldier who returned home to Detroit had been shot dead outside his apartment building.
The front-page story in the Washington Post portrayed the situation this way:
Conley Street, on this city’s northeast side, is a pleasant-looking row of brick and wood homes with small, neat lawns, a street that for years was the realization of the American dream for middle-income families. But in the past few years, Conley has become a street of crack, crime and occasional bursts of gunfire. And at 2:15 a.m. Monday, the bullets killed Army Spec. Anthony Riggs, something that all of Iraq’s Scud missiles could not do during his seven months with a Patriot missile battery in Saudi Arabia.
Described by his mother as a man who deeply loved his family and his country, Riggs had written home from Saudi Arabia, "There’s no way I’m going to die in this rotten country. With the Lord’s grace and his guidance, I’ll walk American soil once again." But before that letter even arrived, while Riggs was moving his wife and three-year-old daughter to a new apartment, five shots rang out and witnesses heard the sound of screeching tires. Some faceless thug had killed him just to get his car. "His wife, Toni, found him dying in a gutter," the Post reported.
TV newscasts showed Mrs. Riggs sobbing. She had warned her husband that there had been a shooting on the street earlier in the day, but he wouldn’t listen. "He said he’d just got back from having missiles flying over his head, and a few shots weren’t going to bother him," according to Toni’s aunt, quoted in the Los Angeles Times. That of course was the larger point, or as the Post put it, "Riggs’s death was a tragic reminder of President Bush’s words recently when he announced a new crime bill: ‘Our veterans deserve to come home to an America where it is safe to walk the streets’."
Oops, Wrong Story
From the point of view of journalists and editors an ideal crime story-that is, the sort that deserves major play and is sure to hold readers’ and viewers’ attention-has several elements that distinguish it from other acts of violence. The victims are innocent, likable people; the perpetrator is an uncaring brute. Details of the crime, while shocking, are easy to relay. And the events have social significance, bespeaking an underlying societal crisis.
The murder of Anthony Riggs seemed to have it all. The only problem was, very little of this perfect crime story was true. Reporters named the right victim but the wrong perpetrator, motive, and moral.
It was the massive media attention, ironically, that resulted in the real story coming out. Confronted with demands from politicians and citizen groups to catch Riggs’s killer, the Detroit police launched an all-out investigation. While digging through garbage cans around the Conley Street neighborhood, an officer came upon a handgun that turned out to belong to Michael Cato, the brother of Riggs’s wife, Toni. Nineteen years old at the time and currently serving a life sentence for murder, Michael said in a confession that his sister had promised him a share of $175,000 in life insurance benefits.
Reporters cannot be blamed for failing to possess this information prior to its discovery by the police, but had they been a little skeptical or made a few phone calls they almost certainly would have stumbled on at least some aspects of the truth. They might have learned, for example, that Toni had been making noises about dumping Anthony for some time, or that it was she who arranged a hefty life insurance policy for her husband before he went off to war. Reporters might also have checked into Mrs. Riggs’s past and discovered previous irregularities, such as the fact that she had not yet divorced her previous husband when she married Anthony.
Journalists also might have discovered the existence of a letter Riggs wrote to his mother from Saudi Arabia. "Toni has wrecked my car. She is now bouncing checks...She is never home: 2:30 a.m., 4 a.m...I would put my head through the neck of a hot sauce bottle to please her, but now I need happiness in return," People magazine, the only major publication that subsequently ran a full-fledged account of the true story, quoted him penning.
Had news writers checked with knowledgeable criminologists or homicide detectives they might have been impressed as well by the improbability of a car thief murdering someone execution-style when a simple shot or two would have done the job. Carjacking victims seldom get shot at all, particularly if they do not resist.
Journalists generally pride themselves on being suspicious about information they are given. Your average journalist "wears his skepticism like a medieval knight wore his armor," Shelby Coffey, head of ABC News and former editor of the Los Angeles Times, has said. Yet when it comes to a great crime story, a journalist will behave like the high school nerd who has been approached by the most popular girl in school for help with her science project. Grateful for the opportunity, he doesn’t bother to ask a lot of questions.
There are discernible differences, though, between reporters for electronic versus print media. Unlike their colleagues at local television stations, who will go for any story that includes a police chase or a humiliated celebrity, journalists at newspapers and magazines have a particular fondness for crime stories that help them make sense of some other phenomenon they are having trouble covering in its own right. In the Riggs murder the phenomenon in question was the Gulf War. The news media had difficulty reporting accurately on the war because the Pentagon kept the press away from the action and used tightly scripted briefings to spoonfeed only what the generals and the president wanted known. As part of that spin Generals Colin Powell and Norman Schwarzkopf were defined as the war’s heroes. Grunts on the battlefield and in the air seemed almost irrelevant to a war fought with smart bombs. Their homecoming consequently had little intrinsic meaning or news value. So when the Riggs murder came along, reporters eagerly used it to mark the end of the war on Iraq and the start of the next phase in the ongoing domestic war on crime.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Hug someone today. |
| 09.03.03 (8:17 pm) [edit] |
Nothing says it quite like a hug!
It is a universal symbol.
Healing is sometimes about simply having someone hold you in their arms and feeling their love - caring - and compassion.... knowing there is someone there who shares your journey and will be there for you.
To many souls - reality is a lonely, painful experience - with nowhere to turn.
A hug is a way to share both good and bad times with others.
A hug can create a connection that one cannot express in words.
A hug is not affected by age, race,
or anything that separates human experience.
A hug can say, "I love you.
You are special to me.
I see your soul and you are beautiful to me."
Even a small hug generally makes everyone feel good.
A hug can make one feel safe and secure.
It can lift our spirits and make us smile.
Some people are not comfortable with the physical embrace -
yet a quick hug can go a long way.
A hug is meant for everyone.
Animals hug each other and humans.
A hug can say, "You are not alone."
Hugs can involve more than one person
sharing their energies.
The energy of a hug goes on forever
through many levels of expression.
Hugs can have a creational message.
Many people like to hug a tree.
It is a connection with nature -
the natural flow of events -
and the symbolic Tree of Life - our soul spark.
Hugs - the union of our soul aspects.
Hug someone today.
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| ...Two Easy Explanations and Journalists.... |
| 09.03.03 (4:02 pm) [edit] |
In the following discussion I will try to answer two questions: Why are Americans so fearful lately, and why are our fears so often misplaced? To both questions the same two-word answer is commonly given by scholars and journalists: premillennial tensions. The final years of a millennium and the early years of a new millennium provoke mass anxiety and ill reasoning, the argument goes. So momentous does the calendric change seem, the populace cannot keep its wits about it.
Premillennial tensions probably do help explain some of our collective irrationality. Living in a scientific era, most of us grant the arbitrariness of reckoning time in base-ten rather than, say, base-twelve, and from the birth of Christ rather than from the day Muhammad moved from Mecca. Yet even the least superstitious among us cannot quite manage to think of the year 2000 as ordinary. Social psychologists have long recognized a human urge to convert vague uneasiness into definable concerns, real or imagined. In a classic study thirty years ago Alan Kerckhoff and Kurt Back pointed out that "the belief in a tangible threat makes it possible to explain and justify one’s sense of discomfort."
Some historical evidence also supports the hypothesis that people panic at the brink of centuries and millennia. Witness the "panic terror" in Europe around the year 1000 and the witch hunts in Salem in the 1690s. As a complete or dependable explanation, though, the millennium hypothesis fails. Historians emphasize that panics of equal or greater intensity occur in odd years, as demonstrated by anti-Indian hysteria in the mid 1700s and McCarthyism in the 1950s. Scholars point out too that calendars cannot account for why certain fears occupy people at certain times (witches then, killer kids now).
Another popular explanation blames the news media. We have so many fears, many of them off-base, the argument goes, because the media bombard us with sensationalistic stories designed to increase ratings. This explanation, sometimes called the media-effects theory, is less simplistic than the millennium hypothesis and contains sizable kernels of truth. When researchers from Emory University computed the levels of coverage of various health dangers in popular magazines and newspapers they discovered an inverse relationship: much less space was devoted to several of the major causes of death than to some uncommon causes. The leading cause of death, heart disease, received approximately the same amount of coverage as the eleventh-ranked cause of death, homicide. They found a similar inverse relationship in coverage of risk factors associated with serious illness and death. The lowest-ranking risk factor, drug use, received nearly as much attention as the second-ranked risk factor, diet and exercise.
Disproportionate coverage in the news media plainly has effects on readers and viewers. When Esther Madriz, a professor at Hunter College, interviewed women in New York City about their fears of crime they frequently responded with the phrase "I saw it in the news." The interviewees identified the news media as both the source of their fears and the reason they believed those fears were valid. Asked in a national poll why they believe the country has a serious crime problem, 76 percent of people cited stories they had seen in the media. Only 22 percent cited personal experience.
When professors Robert Blendon and John Young of Harvard analyzed forty-seven surveys about drug abuse conducted between 1978 and 1997, they too discovered that the news media, rather than personal experience, provide Americans with their predominant fears. Eight out of ten adults say that drug abuse has never caused problems in their family, and the vast majority report relatively little direct experience with problems related to drug abuse. Widespread concern about drug problems emanates, Blendon and Young determined, from scares in the news media, television in particular.
Television news programs survive on scares. On local newscasts, where producers live by the dictum "if it bleeds, it leads," drug, crime, and disaster stories make up most of the news portion of the broadcasts. Evening newscasts on the major networks are somewhat less bloody, but between 1990 and 1998, when the nation’s murder rate declined by 20 percent, the number of murder stories on network newscasts increased 600 percent (not counting stories about O. J. Simpson).
After the dinnertime newscasts the networks broadcast newsmagazines, whose guiding principle seems to be that no danger is too small to magnify into a national nightmare. Some of the risks reported by such programs would be merely laughable were they not hyped with so much fanfare: "Don’t miss Dateline tonight or YOU could be the next victim!" Competing for ratings with drama programs and movies during prime-time evening hours, newsmagazines feature story lines that would make a writer for "Homicide" or "ER" wince.
"It can happen in a flash. Fire breaks out on the operating table. The patient is surrounded by flames," Barbara Walters exclaimed on ABC’s "20/20" in 1998. The problem-oxygen from a face mask ignited by a surgical instrument-occurs "more often than you might think," she cautioned in her introduction, even though reporter Arnold Diaz would note later, during the actual report, that out of 27 million surgeries each year the situation arises only about a hundred times. No matter, Diaz effectively nullified the reassuring numbers as soon as they left his mouth. To those who "may say it’s too small a risk to worry about" he presented distraught victims: a woman with permanent scars on her face and a man whose son had died.
The gambit is common. Producers of TV newsmagazines routinely let emotional accounts trump objective information. In 1994 medical authorities attempted to cut short the brouhaha over flesh-eating bacteria by publicizing the fact that an American is fifty-five times more likely to be struck by lightning than die of the suddenly celebrated microbe. Yet TV journalists brushed this fact aside with remarks like, "whatever the statistics, it’s devastating to the victims" (Catherine Crier on "20/20"), accompanied by stomach-turning videos of disfigured patients.
Sheryl Stolberg, then a medical writer for the Los Angeles Times, put her finger on what makes the TV newsmagazines so cavalier: "Killer germs are perfect for prime time," she wrote. "They are invisible, uncontrollable, and, in the case of Group A strep, can invade the body in an unnervingly simple manner, through a cut or scrape." Whereas print journalists only described in words the actions of "billions of bacteria" spreading "like underground fires" throughout a person’s body, TV newsmagazines made use of special effects to depict graphically how these "merciless killers" do their damage.
In Praise of Journalists
Any analysis of the culture of fear that ignored the news media would be patently incomplete, and of the several institutions most culpable for creating and sustaining scares the news media are arguably first among equals. They are also the most promising candidates for positive change. Yet by the same token critiques such as Stolberg’s presage a crucial shortcoming in arguments that blame the media. Reporters not only spread fears, they also debunk them and criticize one another for spooking the public. A wide array of groups, including businesses, advocacy organizations, religious sects, and political parties, promote and profit from scares. News organizations are distinguished from other fear-mongering groups because they sometimes bite the scare that feeds them.
A group that raises money for research into a particular disease is not likely to negate concerns about that disease. A company that sells alarm systems is not about to call attention to the fact that crime is down. News organizations, on the other hand, periodically allay the very fears they arouse to lure audiences. Some newspapers that ran stories about child murderers, rather than treat every incident as evidence of a shocking trend, affirmed the opposite. After the schoolyard shooting in Kentucky the New York Times ran a sidebar alongside its feature story with the headline "Despite Recent Carnage, School Violence Is Not on Rise." Following the Jonesboro killings they ran a similar piece, this time on a recently released study showing the rarity of violent crimes in schools.
Several major newspapers parted from the pack in other ways. USA Today and the Washington Post, for instance, made sure their readers knew that what should worry them is the availability of guns. USA Today ran news stories explaining that easy access to guns in homes accounted for increases in the number of juvenile arrests for homicide in rural areas during the 1990s. While other news outlets were respectfully quoting the mother of the thirteen-year-old Jonesboro shooter, who said she did not regret having encouraged her son to learn to fire a gun ("it’s like anything else, there’s some people that can drink a beer and not become an alcoholic"), USA Today ran an op-ed piece proposing legal parameters for gun ownership akin to those for the use of alcohol and motor vehicles. And the paper published its own editorial in support of laws that require gun owners to lock their guns or keep them in locked containers. Adopted at that time by only fifteen states, the laws had reduced the number of deaths among children in those states by 23 percent.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...Roosevelt Was Wrong |
| 09.02.03 (8:35 pm) [edit] |
We had better learn to doubt our inflated fears before they destroy us. Valid fears have their place; they cue us to danger. False and overdrawn fears only cause hardship.
Even concerns about real dangers, when blown out of proportion, do demonstrable harm. Take the fear of cancer. Many Americans overestimate the prevalence of the disease, underestimate the odds of surviving it, and put themselves at greater risk as a result. Women in their forties believe they have a 1 in 10 chance of dying from breast cancer, a Dartmouth study found. Their real lifetime odds are more like 1 in 250. Women’s heightened perception of risk, rather than motivating them to get checkups or seek treatment, can have the opposite effect. A study of daughters of women with breast cancer found an inverse correlation between fear and prevention: the greater a daughter’s fear of the disease the less frequent her breast self-examination. Studies of the general population-both men and women-find that large numbers of people who believe they have symptoms of cancer delay going to a doctor, often for several months. When asked why, they report they are terrified about the pain and financial ruin cancer can cause as well as poor prospects for a cure. The irony of course is that early treatment can prevent precisely those horrors they most fear.
Still more ironic, if harder to measure, are the adverse consequences of public panics. Exaggerated perceptions of the risks of cancer at least produce beneficial by-products, such as bountiful funding for research and treatment of this leading cause of death. When it comes to large-scale panics, however, it is difficult to see how potential victims benefit from the frenzy. Did panics a few years ago over sexual assaults on children by preschool teachers and priests leave children better off? Or did they prompt teachers and clergy to maintain excessive distance from children in their care, as social scientists and journalists who have studied the panics suggest? How well can care givers do their jobs when regulatory agencies, teachers’ unions, and archdioceses explicitly prohibit them from any physical contact with children, even kindhearted hugs?
Was it a good thing for children and parents that male day care providers left the profession for fear of being falsely accused of sex crimes? In an article in the Journal of American Culture, sociologist Mary DeYoung has argued that day care was "refeminized" as a result of the panics. "Once again, and in the time-honored and very familiar tradition of the family, the primary responsibility for the care and socialization of young children was placed on the shoulders of low-paid women," she contends.
We all pay one of the costs of panics: huge sums of money go to waste. Hysteria over the ritual abuse of children cost billions of dollars in police investigations, trials, and imprisonments. Men and women went to jail for years "on the basis of some of the most fantastic claims ever presented to an American jury," as Dorothy Rabinowitz of the Wall Street Journal demonstrated in a series of investigative articles for which she became a Pulitizer Prize finalist in 1996. Across the nation expensive surveillance programs were implemented to protect children from fiends who reside primarily in the imaginations of adults.
The price tag for our panic about overall crime has grown so monumental that even law-and-order zealots find it hard to defend. The criminal justice system costs Americans close to $100 billion a year, most of which goes to police and prisons. In California we spend more on jails than on higher education. Yet increases in the number of police and prison cells do not correlate consistently with reductions in the number of serious crimes committed. Criminologists who study reductions in homicide rates, for instance, find little difference between cities that substantially expand their police forces and prison capacity and others that do not.
The turnabout in domestic public spending over the past quarter century, from child welfare and antipoverty programs to incarceration, did not even produce reductions in fear of crime. Increasing the number of cops and jails arguably has the opposite effect: it suggests that the crime problem is all the more out of control.
Panic-driven public spending generates over the long term a pathology akin to one found in drug addicts. The more money and attention we fritter away on our compulsions, the less we have available for our real needs, which consequently grow larger. While fortunes are being spent to protect children from dangers that few ever encounter, approximately 11 million children lack health insurance, 12 million are malnourished, and rates of illiteracy are increasing.
I do not contend, as did President Roosevelt in 1933, that "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself." My point is that we often fear the wrong things. In the 1990s middle-income and poorer Americans should have worried about unemployment insurance, which covered a smaller share of workers than twenty years earlier. Many of us have had friends or family out of work during economic downturns or as a result of corporate restructuring. Living in a nation with one of the largest income gaps of any industrialized country, where the bottom 40 percent of the population is worse off financially than their counterparts two decades earlier, we might also have worried about income inequality. Or poverty. During the mid- and late 1990s 5 million elderly Americans had no food in their homes, more than 20 million people used emergency food programs each year, and one in five children lived in poverty-more than a quarter million of them homeless. All told, a larger proportion of Americans were poor than three decades earlier.
One of the paradoxes of a culture of fear is that serious problems remain widely ignored even though they give rise to precisely the dangers that the populace most abhors. Poverty, for example, correlates strongly with child abuse, crime, and drug abuse. Income inequality is also associated with adverse outcomes for society as a whole. The larger the gap between rich and poor in a society, the higher its overall death rates from heart disease, cancer, and murder. Some social scientists argue that extreme inequality also threatens political stability in a nation such as the United States, where we think of ourselves not as "haves and have nots" but as "haves and will haves." "Unlike the citizens of most other nations, Americans have always been united less by a shared past than by the shared dreams of a better future. If we lose that common future," the Brandeis University economist Robert Reich has suggested, "we lose the glue that holds our nation together."
The combination of extreme inequality and poverty can prove explosive. In an insightful article in U.S. News & World Report in 1997 about militia groups reporters Mike Tharp and William Holstein noted that people’s motivations for joining these groups are as much economic as ideological. The journalists argued that the disappearance of military and blue-collar jobs, along with the decline of family farming, created the conditions under which a new breed of protest groups flourished. "What distinguishes these antigovernment groups from, say, traditional conservatives who mistrust government is that their anger is fueled by direct threats to their livelihood, and they carry guns," Tharp and Holstein wrote.
That last phrase alludes to a danger that by any rational calculation deserves top billing on Americans’ lists of fears. So gun crazed is this nation that Burger King had to order a Baltimore franchise to stop giving away coupons from a local sporting goods store for free boxes of bullets with the purchase of guns. We have more guns stolen from their owners-about 300,000 annually-than many countries have gun owners. In Great Britain, Australia, and Japan, where gun ownership is severely restricted, no more than a few dozen people are killed each year by handguns. In the United States, where private citizens own a quarter-billion guns, around 15,000 people are killed, 18,000 commit suicide, and another 1,500 die accidentally from firearms. American children are twelve times more liked to die from gun injuries than are youngsters in other industrialized nations.
Yet even after tragedies that could not have occurred except for the availability of guns, their significance is either played down or missed altogether. Had the youngsters in the celebrated schoolyard shootings of 1997–98 not had access to guns, some or all of the people they killed would be alive today. Without their firepower those boys lacked the strength, courage, and skill to commit multiple murders. Nevertheless newspapers ran editorials with titles such as "It’s Not Guns, It’s Killer Kids" (Fort Worth Star–Telegram) and "Guns Aren’t the Problem" (New York Post), and journalists, politicians, and pundits blathered on endlessly about every imaginable cause of youthful rage, from "the psychology of violence in the South" to satanism to fights on "Jerry Springer" and simulated shooting in Nintendo games.
Taken from: The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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| ...killer kids |
| 09.01.03 (8:58 am) [edit] |
When we are not worrying about deadly diseases we worry about homicidal strangers. Every few months for the past several years it seems we discover a new category of people to fear: government thugs in Waco, sadistic cops on Los Angeles freeways and in Brooklyn police stations, mass-murdering youths in small towns all over the country. A single anomalous event can provide us with multiple groups of people to fear. After the 1995 explosion at the federal building in Oklahoma City first we panicked about Arabs. "Knowing that the car bomb indicates Middle Eastern terrorists at work, it’s safe to assume that their goal is to promote free-floating fear and a measure of anarchy, thereby disrupting American life," a New York Post editorial asserted. "Whatever we are doing to destroy Mideast terrorism, the chief terrorist threat against Americans, has not been working," wrote A. M. Rosenthal in the New York Times.
When it turned out that the bombers were young white guys from middle America, two more groups instantly became spooky: right-wing radio talk show hosts who criticize the government-depicted by President Bill Clinton as "purveyors of hatred and division"-and members of militias. No group of disgruntled men was too ragtag not to warrant big, prophetic news stories.
We have managed to convince ourselves that just about every young American male is a potential mass murderer-a remarkable achievement, considering the steep downward trend in youth crime throughout the 1990s. Faced year after year with comforting statistics, we either ignore them-adult Americans estimate that people under eighteen commit about half of all violent crimes when the actual number is 13 percent-or recast them as "The Lull Before the Storm" (Newsweek headline). "We know we’ve got about six years to turn this juvenile crime thing around or our country is going to be living with chaos," Bill Clinton asserted in 1997, even while acknowledging that the youth violent crime rate had fallen 9.2 percent the previous year.
The more things improve the more pessimistic we become. Violence-related deaths at the nation’s schools dropped to a record low during the 1996–97 academic year (19 deaths out of 54 million children), and only one in ten public schools reported any serious crime. Yet Time and U.S. News & World Report both ran headlines in 1996 referring to "Teenage Time Bombs." In a nation of "Children Without Souls" (another Time headline that year), "America’s beleaguered cities are about to be victimized by a paradigm shattering wave of ultraviolent, morally vacuous young people some call ‘the superpredators,’" William Bennett, the former Secretary of Education, and John DiIulio, a criminologist, forecast in a book published in 1996.
Instead of the arrival of superpredators, violence by urban youths continued to decline. So we went looking elsewhere for proof that heinous behavior by young people was "becoming increasingly more commonplace in America" (CNN). After a sixteen-year-old in Pearl, Mississippi, and a fourteen-year-old in West Paducah, Kentucky, went on shooting sprees in late 1997, killing five of their classmates and wounding twelve others, these isolated incidents were taken as evidence of "an epidemic of seemingly depraved adolescent murderers" (Geraldo Rivera). Three months later in March 1998 all sense of proportion vanished after two boys ages eleven and thirteen killed four students and a teacher in Jonesboro, Arkansas. No longer, we learned in Time, was it "unusual for kids to get back at the world with live ammunition." When a child psychologist on NBC’s "Today" show advised parents to reassure their children that shootings at schools are rare, reporter Ann Curry corrected him. "But this is the fourth case since October," she said.
Over the next couple of months young people failed to accommodate the trend hawkers. None committed mass murder. Fear of killer kids remained very much in the air nonetheless. In stories on topics such as school safety and childhood trauma, reporters recapitulated the gory details of the killings. And the news media made a point of reporting every incident in which a child was caught at school with a gun or making a death threat. In May, when a fifteen-year-old in Springfield, Oregon, did open fire in a cafeteria filled with students, killing two and wounding twenty-three others, the event felt like a continuation of a "disturbing trend" (New York Times). The day after the shooting, on National Public Radio’s "All Things Considered," the criminologist Vincent Schiraldi tried to explain that the recent string of incidents did not constitute a trend, that youth homicide rates had declined by 30 percent in recent years, and more than three times as many people were killed by lightning than by violence at schools. But the show’s host, Robert Siegel, interrupted him. "You’re saying these are just anomalous events?" he asked, audibly peeved. The criminologist reiterated that anomalous is precisely the right word to describe the events, and he called it "a grave mistake" to imagine otherwise.
Yet given what had happened in Mississippi, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Oregon, could anyone doubt that today’s youths are "more likely to pull a gun than make a fist," as Katie Couric declared on the "Today" show?
The Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things
by Barry Glassner
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QUOTE:
Stupidity has a bad habit of getting its way. --"The Day After"
QUOTE: Because I do it with one small ship, I am called a terrorist. You do it with a whole fleet and are called an emperor.
– A pirate, from St. Augustine's "City of God"
QUOTE: War: A wretched debasement of all the pretenses of civilization.
– General Omar Bradley
I hope....that mankind will at length, as they call themselves responsible creatures, have the reason and sense enough to settle their differences without cutting throats...
– Benjamin Franklin
"There must be security for all, or no one is secure. Now this does not mean giving up any freedom, except the freedom to act irresponsibly."-- Klaatu, The Day The Earth Stood Still, 1951.
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